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Catching Up Country Studies on Intergenerational Mobility and Children of - photo 1
Catching Up? Country Studies on Intergenerational Mobility and Children of Immigrants
Please cite this publication as:
OECD (2018), Catching Up? Country Studies on Intergenerational Mobility and Children of Immigrants , OECD Publishing, Paris.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264301030-en
Metadata Legal and Rights ISBN 978-92-64-30102-3 print - - photo 2
Metadata, Legal and Rights
ISBN: 978-92-64-30102-3 (print) - 978-92-64-30103-0 (pdf) - 978-92-64-30318-8 (HTML) - 978-92-64-30314-0 (epub)
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264301030-en
This work is published under the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of OECD member countries.
This document, as well as any data and any map included herein, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area.
The statistical data for Israel are supplied by and under the responsibility of the relevant Israeli authorities. The use of such data by the OECD is without prejudice to the status of the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank under the terms of international law.
Photo credits: Cover Jacob Lund/Shutterstock.com.
Corrigenda to OECD publications may be found on line at: www.oecd.org/publishing/corrigenda .
OECD 2018
You can copy, download or print OECD content for your own use, and you can include excerpts from OECD publications, databases and multimedia products in your own documents, presentations, blogs, websites and teaching materials, provided that suitable acknowledgement of OECD as source and copyright owner is given. All requests for public or commercial use and translation rights should be submitted to .
Foreword

Social mobility is a key objective for policy to foster inclusive economies and societies. How immigrants and their children, who are now accounting for almost one-in-five persons in the OECD, are faring in this respect, is particularly important for social cohesion. It is not surprising that many persons who have immigrated as adults face specific difficulties to progress, linked among others to the fact that they have been raised and educated in a different environment and education system, and that they may not have the same command of the host language as the native-born. One would, however, generally expect that for children of immigrants, especially those who are native-born, these barriers would disappear and they could enjoy the same opportunity for social mobility as their peers. Yet, evidence from previous work by the OECD and the European Union suggests that native-born children of immigrants tend to still lag behind their peers with native-born parents in many OECD countries, especially in Europe. This is particularly worrying since these are a large and growing group in most countries.

Against this backdrop, the OECD, with the support of the European Union, has provided an in-depth analysis of the links between parental disadvantage for immigrants and the outcomes of their children across EU and OECD countries, in comparison with native-born parents and their children. A first publication, Catching Up? Intergenerational Mobility and Children of Immigrants , published in late 2017, synthesised the results of this two-year project that was carried out by Eva Degler, Dimitris Mavridis and Almedina Music under the co-ordination of Thomas Liebig, all from the OECDs International Migration Division.

As part of this project, the OECD has commissioned a number of country background papers by leading experts. This publication presents these country studies and has been prepared with financial support of the European Union Programme for Employment and Social Innovation EaSI (2014-20). The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the OECD member countries or of the European Union.

The publication was prepared with the analytical support of Rhea Ravenna Sohst and editorial support of Liv Gudmundson, Randy Holden and Lucy Hullet. It has also benefited from comments by Laurent Aujean, Francesca Borgonovi, Jean-Christophe Dumont, Stefano Filauro and Sonia Jemmotte, as well as from inputs from other policy officers in DG-EMPL and DG-HOME.

Executive Summary

The consequences of past immigration and integration are reflected in todays intergenerational mobility of immigrants native-born children. This publication presents a series of country case studies. Among these OECD countries, Austria, France, Germany and the Netherlands share the experience of large-scale low-educated immigration, the so-called guest workers, in the post-World War II economic boom period. The native-born children of these immigrants generally had relatively lower starting conditions in terms of socio-economic characteristics compared to their peers with native-born parents. In contrast, immigration to Canada has been largely high-educated, although not all immigrant groups have the same background, and intergenerational mobility patterns vary across groups. The native-born children of many Asian immigrants in Canada, for example, have a remarkably high university attendance rate that is relatively insensitive to parents education, family income and even their own high school results.

Data from France suggest that immigrant parents frequently have high aspirations for their children, more than native-born parents in a similar situation. Yet they do not always have the capabilities or the institutional knowledge to support their children in the same way that native parents can. For example, less than 5% of children with Turkish immigrant parents receive help with homework from their mothers in France compared to over 60% of children with native-born mothers. Pre-school is of particular importance to ensure a head start, but children of immigrants are frequently underrepresented. In Austria in 2011, children whose parents were born outside of the EU were six times less likely to attend preschool than children whose parents were born in Austria. Evidence from the Netherlands also suggests that a fair share of children of immigrants at risk are not reached by pre-school offers.

A common finding across countries is that the education and labour market trajectories of immigrants children are generally less determined by their parents than is the case for children of native-born parents. Because of their generally lower starting points, children of immigrants in Europe are more likely to move up from one generation to the next than the children of natives. This is particularly visible among the group with a Turkish immigrant background in Germany: Almost 50% of women and about 30% of men had no educational degree in 2012. In contrast, less than 10% of their children born in Germany had left school without any diploma. Interestingly, the share of Turkish immigrant women holding no educational degree was much higher in 2012 (49%) than in 2000 (33%).

Gender differences are highlighted in the country studies. In France, Sweden, the Netherlands and Canada, daughters of immigrants outperform sons in school but not in Austria and the United States. The better performance of women is particularly pronounced among native-born whose parents came from the Maghreb in France, the Netherlands, and Sweden. Indeed in Sweden, there is no significant relationship between their education and that of their mothers. For sons of immigrants, however, low levels of mothers education seem to have a particularly negative impact on educational attainment. One explanation put forward is the potential for bias and negative stereotyping that could affect boys more than girls. In France, sons of immigrants report unfair treatment at school more often than daughters. Yet, despite the good performance of many immigrants daughters at school, they tend to be more disadvantaged than their male counterparts when entering the labour market. Fewer daughters of immigrants are active in the labour market and more remain at home, especially after they have their first child. In the Netherlands, one-quarter of the daughters of Turkish and Moroccan immigrants stop working in a paid job after having their first child, compared with 10% of women with native Dutch parents.

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