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Robert V. Barylski - The Soldier in Russian Politics: Duty, Dictatorship, and Democracy Under Gorbachev and Yeltsin

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Robert V. Barylski The Soldier in Russian Politics: Duty, Dictatorship, and Democracy Under Gorbachev and Yeltsin
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The Soldier in Russian Politics: Duty, Dictatorship, and Democracy Under Gorbachev and Yeltsin: summary, description and annotation

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If Russia is to become a viable democracy, it will need a viable state to make and enforce decisions that nurture societal cohesion and sustain complex economic activity. Armed forces are essential attributes of viable modern states, but what happens when states undergo major structural changes? What was the militarys contribution to the end of the Soviet Union and the rise of post-Soviet Russia?

The Soldier in Russian Politics is the first study to go beyond familiar accounts of the main events that brought down the Soviet state and began its reconstruction. It captures the interplay between soldier and civilian politicians in a major political history based on solid political-sociological analysis. Barylski uses the study of civil-military relations to explore new political and intellectual conditions and explain the historic relationship between changes in Western models of Russian reality and political change in the former Soviet Union.

Examining the militarys participation in every major, twentieth-century, political change from 1917 to 1991, Barylski demonstrates that every deep political transformation in Russia has military dimensions. Barylski discusses how the Russian presidencys power to command and control the military without legislative checks and balances led to armed conflict with Parliament in October 1993 and to the Chechen war of 1994-1996, and is unhealthy for long term democratic development. Barylski analyzes ministers of defense Yazov, Shaposhnikov, Grachev, and Rodionov as political actors, traces the careers of ambitious political soldiers such as Aleksandr Lebed and Aleksandr Rutskoi, and describes the militarys growing political alienation from the Yeltsin administration. His final chapters cover the presidential elections, the short-lived Yeltsin-Lebed political alliance, the tensions associated with Yeltsins ailments, and Yeltsins efforts to rebuild his personal power political effectiveness.

The Soldier in Russian Politics presents political history in an incisive and objective manner. It applauds the progressive officers, soldiers, and politicians where decisions minimized bloodshed and prevented civil war. But it also warns that civilian and military leaders can make mistakes which cause political institutional failure, violence, and dictatorship. This book will interest political scientists, political sociologists, students of Russian and soviet politics, and all military historians and professionals.

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THE SOLDIER IN RUSSIAN POLITICS
Robert V. Barylski
THE SOLDIER IN RUSSIAN POLITICS
Duty, Dictatorship, and Democracy Under Gorbachev and Yeltsin
First published 1998 by Transaction Publishers Published 2017 by Routledge 2 - photo 1
First published 1998 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX 14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1998 by Taylor & Francis.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 97-51704
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Barylski, Robert V.
The soldier in Russian politics : duty, dictatorship and democracy under Gorbachev and Yeltsin / Robert V. Barylski.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 1-56000-335-9 (alk. paper)
1. Civil-military relationsRussia (Federation). 2. Russia (Federation) Politics and government1991- 3. Civil-military relationsSoviety Union.
4. Soviet UnionPolitics and government19851991. I. Title.
JN6693.5.C58B37 1998
3225094709048dc21 97-51704
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-1-56000-335-9 (hbk)
This book is dedicated to my wife Irene, my son Alexander, and my daughter Natasha.
Contents
I wish to thank the colleagues on the administration, faculty, and staff of the University of South Florida for providing a supportive environment and thoughtful assistance as I completed the research and writing of this book over the past six years. Without major public universities that nurture independent research and strong teaching America would be poorer intellectually and less well served by its academic intellectuals.
I wish to thank Transaction Publishers and Irving Louis Horowitz for editing and publishing this book. Without a large number of competitive presses, American society would be weaker, less adaptive, and less free.
Although we compete and debate freely, we tend to move in patterns as a community of scholars influenced by prevailing ideological and methodological preferences. The Cold War produced its dominant schools and the post-Cold War is already encouraging some lines of inquiry and discouraging others. I have tried to leave the Cold War behind without being swept up in the new intellectual stampede. Nevertheless, it is difficult to study post-Soviet Russian society and politics without being drawn into the new dominant trend that insists upon giving the Russians advice about building a better society. But to promote objectivity over advocacy I regularly asked myself questions such as these: What are we supposed to be saying about the Russians now and why? What are Russian colleagues saying about themselves and why? What does the accumulated body of social science have to offer? Is it Western bourgeois thinking or is it universal science? Why is there such ambiguity about the most important terms such as the state, politics, and society? Why are coercion and armed forces part of building, rebuilding, and maintaining states? How do military functions change as societies change their political and economic systems?
But there are more questions than can be answered in one book and history moves on. Social scientists found themselves trying to explain events before the political historians established what actually happened. The general public, business leaders, and politicians wanted simple, clear answers about the direction of change in the former Soviet Union. They had a preferred, positive interpretation for what was taking place. At first Gorbachev was their hero; then he became their favorite failed hero. Then Yeltsin took up the mantle. But he failed to deliver on his promise, the economy was still in deep recession, and the state could not meet its obligations. Who would straighten it out? The rising class of financial entrepreneurs? The armed forces? An alliance of new money and old arms? What happened to the invisible handthe promised miracle of competitive politics and economics?
During the late 1980s and 1990s I discussed such questions with colleagues from Russia, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan. I was interested in how fellow professionals struggled to deal constructively and progressively with systemic reform. From the outset, their perceptions did not match the prevailing Western views. They were more pessimistic about systemic breakdown and prospects for organizing political and economic life in a way that would convert ordinary human venality into prosperity and freedom. Civilian leaders were swept up in the great post-Soviet rush to privatization and ethno-national sovereignty. The Soviet defense system did not escape the political knife that cut the unitary Soviet Union into some fifteen sovereign states. This left military leaders bewildered and wondering what happened to the greater national interest and the states ability to maintain basic functional viability.
Military reporters, analysts, and accountable officers faced two major strategic intellectual problems. First they had to change the way the armed forces news was reported and discussed. They provided more and better information about military affairs, they expanded the public debate about defense policy, and they began the long task of revising political history. Second, they tried to support progressive reform and to find a fair balance between military corporate interests and the public interest in cutting and controlling defense spending. Although some Russian military professionals were able to analyze the dilemmas of political, economic, and military reform in keeping with the best international standards, it was extremely difficult to translate such theory into successful political practice. Some Soviet colleagues used to joke about the problem and to recommend that Gorbachev put up a Closed for Renovations sign at every border crossing. But history does not stop for societal repairs.
This book has several basic goals. I wanted to leave a detailed narrative of the militarys role in the politics that brought down the Soviet state and began its reconstruction. Therefore I produced a work of current history. But I also wanted to explain the events as examples of universal political and sociological processes and thereby mixed political science and political sociology into the historical narrative. The central idea is that complex, modern societies cannot survive without viable states to make and enforce authoritative decisions. The state needs an effective political system to make and enforce the general operating rules or authoritative decisions which nurture overall societal cohesion and sustain high levels of complex economic activity. Armed forces are essential to the states political functions. Military forces defend the state against external threats. Police forces enforce laws and maintain domestic order. Military and police functions fuse during periods of chronic and major domestic instability. When political breakdown threatens the states ability to support the armed forces adequately, military leaders are drawn into politics in search of allies capable of restoring state viability.
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