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Judy Yung - Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco

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    Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco
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Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco: summary, description and annotation

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Unbound Voices brings together the voices of Chinese American women in a fascinating, intimate collection of documentsletters, essays, poems, autobiographies, speeches, testimonials, and oral historiesdetailing half a century of their lives in America. Together, these sources provide a captivating mosaic of Chinese womens experiences in their own words, as they tell of making a home for themselves and their families in San Francisco from the Gold Rush years through World War II.
The personal nature of these documents makes for compelling reading. We hear the voices of prostitutes and domestic slavegirls, immigrant wives of merchants, Christians and pagans, homemakers, and social activists alike. We read the stories of daughters who confronted cultural conflicts and racial discrimination; the myriad ways women coped with the Great Depression; and personal contributions to the causes of womens emancipation, Chinese nationalism, workers rights, and World War II. The symphony of voices presented here lends immediacy and authenticity to our understanding of the Chinese American womens lives.
This rich collection of womens stories also serves to demonstrate collective change over time as well as to highlight individual struggles for survival and advancement in both private and public spheres. An educational tool on researching and reclaiming womens history, Unbound Voices offers us a valuable lesson on how one group of women overcame the legacy of bound feet and bound lives in America. The selections are accompanied by photographs, with extensive introductions and annotation by Judy Yung, a noted authority on primary resources relating to the history of Chinese American women.

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To my sisters Sharon Sandy Virginia and Patricia and my brother Warren - photo 1
To my sisters Sharon Sandy Virginia and Patricia and my brother Warren - photo 2
To my sisters Sharon Sandy Virginia and Patricia and my brother Warren - photo 3

To my sisters Sharon, Sandy, Virginia, and Patricia and my brother Warren

Illustrations

Terminology and Transliterations Although Oriental was the common term used to - photo 4
Terminology and Transliterations Although Oriental was the common term used to - photo 5

Terminology and Transliterations

Although Oriental was the common term used to describe East Asians in America (Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Americans) until recent times, I choose to use Asian American for political reasons and not to hyphenate Chinese American even when used as an adjective. During the late 1960s, Chinese and Japanese American activists called attention to Ori ental as a derogatory name that connotes exoticism and inferiority. The term Asian American became the preferred name in recognition of the group's common history of oppression, geographical origins, panethnic identity, and political destiny. The hyphen was eliminated because it inferred that Chinese Americans have split identities, that somehow they are not fully American like everyone else. For the same reasons and to be consistent, I do not use the hyphen when referring to any ethnic American group.

In regard to racial and ethnic terms, I use what is generally preferred by the groups themselves. Black and African American are used interchangeably; so are Native American and American Indian. Depending on the time period under discussion, I use either Latino, Hispanic, Mexican, or Chicano; minority women or women of color. In a racial context, I generally use white instead of European American. Otherwise, I try to be ethnic specific in identifying the group by using Italian Ameri can, German American, Jewish American, etc. I capitalize Black but not white in recognition of the distinctive history, cultural identity, and political legacy that the former but not the latter term encompasses. The term America should be understood as an abbreviated form of United States of America. To be Americanized is to become acculturated but not necessarily assimilated into American life. To avoid the trap of associating the dominant white group with everything that is American, Western is preferred over American when the reference is to cultural practices; thus, Western dress, not American dress.

I call the first generation those who were foreign-born and came to the United States as immigrants, and their children who were born in the United States second generation or American-born Chinese. When referring to both groups, I use either Chinese in America or Chinese Amer icans, especially when I need to differentiate them from the Chinese in China. For example, when comparing women in China and Chinese women in America, I use Chinese women for the former group and Chi nese American women for the latter. Overseas Chinese is used instead of Chinese Americans when the reference point is in China.

Following standard practice, I use the pinyin romanization system for Chinese proper nouns, except in cases where the names have been commonly spelled in a different romanization system, such as Sun Yat-sen and Macao. For common words and phrases in the Cantonese dialect or direct quotes from Cantonese-speaking persons, I use the Cantonese spelling according to Sidney Lau's A Practical Cantonese-English Dic tionary (Hong Kong: The Government Printer, 1977). Place-names in Cantonese are followed by the pinyin spelling whenever deemed helpful; for example, Chungshan (Zhongshan) District. All Chinese proper nouns and terms mentioned in this book are recorded in the Glossary in the appendix, together with their Chinese characters. In addition, Chinese terms are generally defined at their first appearance in the text.

When using a person's Chinese name, I follow Chinese practice by giving the surname (family name) first, followed by the given name (usually two characters), without an intervening comma. For example, in the name Tom Yip Jing, Tom is the surname and Yip Jing, the given name. Exceptions occur when a particular individual (e.g., Joe Shoong) chooses to reverse the order to conform with Western usage. Without meaning to be disrespectful, I generally use the person's given name instead of his or her last name whenever I refer to him or her more than once in the text. Since many Chinese Americans share the same surname, I adopted this practice to avoid confusion. The appearance of Shee in a woman's name indicates that she is married. For example, a woman with the maiden name of Law who married into the Low family would thenceforth be known as Law Shee Low.

Chinese dates prior to the adoption of the Western calendar in 1949 are rendered according to the Chinese lunar calendar, followed by the corresponding Western date in parentheses. Before the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1912, Chinese dates were reckoned by the emperor's reign; for example, K.S. 33/10-13 meant in the 33d year of Emperor Kuang Su's reign, zoth month, 13th day (November 18, 1907). Beginning in 1912, Chinese dates went by the name of the new republic; for example, CR 26-1-20 meant in the 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1st month, 2oth day (March 2,1937). In converting Chinese dates into Western dates I followed Liang Qi and Hua Chao, eds., Zhongxi duizhao yinyang hebi wannianli (Ten-thousand-year calendar: a comparison of Chinese and Western dates) (Hong Kong: Shanghai Book Store, 1984).

Finally, although it is standard practice to indicate spelling and grammatical errors in quoted passages by the use of "[sic]," I chose to forgo doing so in many instances in order to remain faithful to the exact wording and style of speech, and to avoid interrupting the flow of the conversation.

Introduction

As a second-generation Chinese American woman from San Francisco Chinatown, I grew up in the 1950s with very little understanding of my own historical background. My parents, who were immigrants from Doumen District in Guangdong Province, refused to answer any of my questions about our family history, so afraid were they of having their illegal immigration status exposed. Although the elementary school I attended was almost all Chinese, we were taught a very Eurocentric male version of American history. There was no mention of African Americans, American Indians, Mexican Americans, Asian Americans, or women for that matter. Every day after "American" school I attended St. Mary's Chinese Language School, where I was taught the Chinese classics, history, patriotic heroes such as Sun Yat-sen and Yue Fei, and made to feel proud of my cultural heritage. The only famous women who were mentioned were beauties like Yang Guifei, who was blamed for the downfall of the empire. Looking back at my upbringing and education, I now see why I knew so little about my own history as a Chinese American woman.

Upon graduation from college I entered the female-dominated profession of librarianship and was assigned to the Chinatown Branch Library, where I went as a child to read. I would have been content to stay there until I retired except that I became politically aware of the omission of Chinese American and women's history in the public record. After park ranger Alexander Weiss discovered Chinese poetry carved into the barrack walls of the abandoned Angel Island Immigration Station in 1970, I was drawn into my first research project, translating these poems and interviewing Chinese immigrants about what happened to them at Angel Island. Historian Him Mark Lai, poet Genny Lim, and I ended up self-publishing Island: Poetry and History of Chinese Immigrants on Angel Island, 1910-1940, since no publisher at the time believed the subject important enough to be marketable. Inspired by the civil rights and women's liberation movements, I turned my attention to recovering Chinese American women's history after Island was published. With a grant from the U.S. Department of Education (Women's Educational Equity Act), Genny Lim, Vincente Tang, and I embarked on the Chinese Women of America Research Project, which resulted in a traveling exhibit and my next book, Chinese Women of America: A Pictorial His tory. Given the absence of written accounts by Chinese American women themselves and the availability of only stereotypical works by missionaries and journalists, we looked for women's stories in primary sources such as immigration documents, Chinese-language newspapers, and the records of women's organizations. We also conducted oral history interviews with 274 women of diverse backgrounds in different parts of the United States.

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