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Shaul Yanai - The Political Transformation of Gulf Tribal States: Elitism and the Social Contract in Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai, 1918-1970s

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The reform movements and attempts to establish parliamentary institutions in the Persian Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai between the First World War and the independent era of the 1970s were not inspired by western example or by any tradition of civil representation. The move to a parliamentary system not only represented a milestone in the history of the region, creating a legacy for future generations, but was a unique transition in the Arab world. The transformation of these states from loose chiefdoms of minimal coherence and centralization, into centralizing and institutionalized monarchies, involved the setting up of primary institutions of government, the demarcation of borders, and establishment of a monarchical order. As this new political and social order evolved, ideas of national struggle and national rights penetrated Gulf societies. Gulf citizens who had spent time in Arab states, mostly in Egypt and Iraq, took part in the genesis of a public Arab-Gulf national discourse, enabling the Gulf population to become acquainted with national struggles for independence. As a result merchants of notable families, newly educated elements, and even workers, began to oppose the dominance of the rulers. Both the rulers and the commercial elites (including members of the ruling families) tried to formulate a new and different social contract with the rulers seeking to entrench their political power by using new administrative means and financial power. Opposition against this current crystallized in 1938 among the ranks of the commercial oligarchy as well as within the ruling families. In spite of its failure to create its own political institutions, the oligarchy remained the foremost social and economic class. But the ruling families could no longer treat national oil revenues as their private income, and they began to channel part of these funds to public needs. The most important consequence of the 1938 movement was the formation of a new social contract between the two traditional power centers: the governing structures were fitted into the political and economic reality brought about by the oil wealth, but remained essentially tribal and committed to the power division between the major Gulf families.

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The reform movements and attempts to establish parliamentary institutions in - photo 1
The reform movements and attempts to establish parliamentary institutions in the Persian Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai between the First World War and the independent era of the 1970s were not inspired by western example or by any tradition of civil representation. The move to a parliamentary system not only represented a milestone in the history of the region, creating a legacy for future generations, but was a unique transition in the Arab world. The transformation of these states from loose chiefdoms of minimal coherence and centralization, into centralizing and institutionalized monarchies, involved the setting up of primary institutions of government, the demarcation of borders, and establishment of a monarchical order. As this new political and social order evolved, ideas of national struggle and national rights penetrated Gulf societies. Gulf citizens who had spent time in Arab states, mostly in Egypt and Iraq, took part in the genesis of a public Arab-Gulf national discourse, enabling the Gulf population to become acquainted with national struggles for independence. As a result merchants of notable families, newly educated elements, and even workers, began to oppose the dominance of the rulers.
Both the rulers and the commercial elites (including members of the ruling families) tried to formulate a new and different social contract with the rulers seeking to entrench their political power by using new administrative means and financial power. Opposition against this current crystallized in 1938 among the ranks of the commercial oligarchy as well as within the ruling families. In spite of its failure to create its own political institutions, the oligarchy remained the foremost social and economic class. But the ruling families could no longer treat national oil revenues as their private income, and they began to channel part of these funds to public needs. The most important consequence of the 1938 movement was the formation of a new social contract between the two traditional power centers: the governing structures were fitted into the political and economic reality brought about by the oil wealth, but remained essentially tribal and committed to the power division between the major Gulf families.
Shaul Yanai teaches Middle East history at the Haifa and Hebrew Universities. His research focuses on political and societies history of the Persian Gulf states. He holds a PhD of Tel Aviv University. He is co-editor of the book Persian Gulf and the Arab Peninsula: Societies and States in Transition.
This book is dedicate to the memory of Professor Joseph Kostiner, a mentor and a friend.
Copyright Shaul Yanai, 2014.
Published in the Sussex Academic e-Library, 2014.
SUSSEX ACADEMIC PRESS
PO Box 139
Eastbourne BN24 9BP, UK
and simultaneously in the United States of America and Canada
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Yanai, Shaul.
The political transformation of Gulf tribal states : elitism and the social contract in Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai, 19181970s / Shaul Yanai.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84519-615-8 (hardback : acid-free paper)
ISBN 978-1-78284-178-4 (e-pub)
ISBN 978-1-78284-179-1 (e-mobi)
ISBN 978-1-78284-180-7 (e-pdf)
1. Persian Gulf StatesPolitics and government20th century. 2. KuwaitPolitics and government20th century. 3. BahrainPolitics and government20th century. 4. Dubayy (United Arab Emirates : Emirate)Politics and government20th century. 5. Social changePersian Gulf StatesHistory20th century. 6. Political culturePersian Gulf StatesHistory20th century. 7. Tribal governmentPersian Gulf StatesHistory20th century. 8. Elite (Social sciences)Persian Gulf StatesHistory20th century. 9. Social contractPersian Gulf StatesHistory20th century. I. Title.
DS247.A138Y26 2015
953.6dc23
2014012833
This e-book text has been prepared for electronic viewing. Some features, including tables and figures, might not display as in the print version, due to electronic conversion limitations and/or copyright strictures.
Contents
Foreword by Uzi Rabi
Director, Moshe Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies, Tel Aviv University
Parliamentary process development in the Persian Gulf states (Kuwait, Bahrain, and the UAE) has been unique, especially when contrasted with other, better known cases. The Gulf states did not follow the example of the West or any local traditions of civil representation, but instead evolved independently. Such evolution was informed by distinct cultural factors and their location on the periphery of the Arab world.
The main process discussed in this work is one of centralization. These states began as loose chiefdoms of minimal coherence. In the years following the First World War, they coalesced into firmly institutionalized, consolidated monarchies. In so doing, primary institutions of government were formed, state borders were demarcated, and a monarchical order was established. A new political and social structure thus evolved.
The penetration and conceptualization of the ideas of national struggle and national rights is an important additional process. Such concepts percolated into Gulf societies through several routes: Visitors and students who had spent time in Arab states, mostly Egypt and Iraq, and teachers from those states who taught in the Gulf, and who took part in the genesis of a public Arab-national discourse, within both educated circles and the local press. Through this discourse, the Gulf population became acquainted with national struggles for independence in other Arab states. This study demonstrates the consequences of the above-mentioned processes. Merchants belonging to notable families, newly educated elements, and even common laborers, began to oppose the dominance of the rulers, who sought to entrench their political power through administrative and financial means.
Both the ruling class and the commercial elites attempted to form a new and different social contract. In Kuwait, opposition crystallized among the latter in 1938, but was ultimately unsuccessful. Nevertheless, an important consequence of that movement was the formation of a new social contract between these two traditional power centers. Governing structures were incorporated into the new political and economic reality that was created by oil wealth. Despite this, society remained essentially tribal in nature, with a firm commitment to the division of power between prominent families. Despite a failure to create political institutions, the commercial elite nevertheless remained the premiere social and economic class. The ruling families were forced to forego their interests, to treat national oil revenues as their private ones, and to channel a portion of these funds toward public welfare.
This work represents a significant contribution to our understanding of parliamentary process development in the Persian Gulf, and is a valuable resource for all those who wish to understand the complexities of such phenomena.
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