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George A. Gonzalez - Energy and Empire: The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Power in the United States

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What set the United States on the path to developing commercial nuclear energy in the 1950s, and what led to the seeming demise of that industry in the late 1970s? Why, in spite of the depletion of fossil fuels and the obvious dangers of global warming, has the United States moved so slowly toward adopting alternatives? In Energy and Empire, George A. Gonzalez presents a clear and concise argument demonstrating that economic elites tied their advocacy of the nuclear energy option to post-1945 American foreign policy goals. At the same time, these elites opposed government support for other forms of energy, such as solar, that cannot be dominated by one nation. While researchers have blamed safety concerns and other factors as helping to arrest the expansion of domestic nuclear power plant construction, Gonzalez points to an entirely different set of motivations stemming from the loss of Americas domination/control of the enrichment of nuclear fuel. Once foreign countries could enrich their own fuel, civilian nuclear power ceased to be a lever the United States could use to economically/politically dominate other nations. Instead, it became a major concern relating to nuclear weapons proliferation.

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Energy and Empire The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Power in the United States - image 1
Energy and Empire
The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Power in the United States
GEORGE A. GONZALEZ
Energy and Empire The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Power in the United States - image 2
Cover images of nuclear plant and windmills/solar panels courtesy of Fotolia.
Published by State University of New York Press, Albany
2012 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission. No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means including electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission in writing of the publisher.
For information, contact State University of New York Press, Albany, NY
www.sunypress.edu
Production by Diane Ganeles
Marketing by Fran Keneston
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gonzalez, George A., 1969
Energy and empire : the politics of nuclear and solar power in the United States / George A. Gonzalez.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4384-4295-2 (hbk. : alk. paper)
1. Energy policyUnited States. 2. Environmental policyUnited States. 3. Nuclear energyGovernment policyUnited States. 4. Solar energyGovernment policyUnited States. I. Title.
HD9502.A2G655 2012
333.792'30973dc23
2011035851
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For Ileana and Alana
Contents
Chapter 1
The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Energy
In Urban Sprawl, Global Warming, and the Empire of Capital , I explain how and why urban sprawl arose as a lead strategy/means to stabilize the U.S. economy in the 1930s, and later as a lynchpin for the world economy in the postWorld War II period, and remains as such. In addition to growing the world capitalist economy, urban sprawl also greatly pushes up energy demand because it creates an energy-intense transportation infrastructure (i.e., automobile dependency) and an energy-intense housing stock (low-density urban development expands energy use to heat/cool and power the appliances that fill the relatively large multiroom households that are characteristic of such development). Whereas the thrust of Urban Sprawl, Global Warming, and the Empire of Capital concentrates on why the United States consumes so much energy, in this book I emphasize the supply side of the U.S. energy equation.
The United States, of course, meets its massive energy demand mostly through fossil fuels, which in turn leads to massive greenhouse emissions (roughly 20 to 25 percent of the world's total anthropogenic climate change gasses).
The United States' nuclear path was set by economic elites (through the Rockefeller Foundation and the Panel on the Impact of the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy). Conversely, U.S. economic elites went on the record in the 1950s (via the Association for Applied Solar Energy) in opposing government support for solar power. The result is that nuclear power presently appears as the only viable alternative to fossil fuels, with solar energy an evolving substitute at best.
More than fifty years after economic elites in the desert Southwest expressed their disapproval of public subsidies for solar power, we are left wondering how far solar power could have been developed if the U.S. government had pursued this form of energy as aggressively as it did nuclear power. It is precisely because there is no economic and safe alternative to fossil fuels
The Limits of Nuclear Power
The decision in the 1950s to back nuclear power and not do the same for solar has seemingly profound implications for the present period and for humanity and the environment generally. Safety has remained a key concern with the operation of nuclear power plants
Another liability of civilian nuclear power relates to politics. Particularly after the Three Mile Island (1979) accident and the one at Chernobyl (1986),
Perhaps the most long-term liability of nuclear power is its waste by-product. Nuclear waste has a half-life that is in the tens of thousands of years. Thus, even if a relatively modest amount of this waste were to contaminate an aquifer, lake, river, or watershed, the water would be unsuitable for consumption for ostensibly eons. There is no storage technology/method currently available that can safely and assuredly store nuclear waste for the entirety of its radioactive life.
Another liability of nuclear waste arises from the fact that such waste can be mined (processed) for weapons-grade material. There is a distinction between what are known as breeder and light water nuclear reactors.
The Bush and Obama administrations' stance on Indian and Iranian nuclear civilian power programs is particularly contradictory, if not perplexing. India (in an arms race with its neighbor Pakistan) has not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and has developed nuclear weapons. In spite of this, the U.S. government, under the presidency of George W. Bush, sponsored India's entrance into the international system of civilian nuclear power.
By contrast, Iran is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and, even according to the United States' intelligence agencies, is in compliance with this treaty (i.e., it is not pursuing a nuclear weapons program).
Notwithstanding its selective diplomacy on nuclear weapons and energy, it was the United States that opened the door to nuclear weapons and energy. As already noted, the United States promoted nuclear energy beginning in the 1950s. Moreover, the United States has the most civilian nuclear reactors in the world, 104 of a global total of 440, and it is currently building more.
Why Nuclear Power?
Historically, why did the United States decide to aggressively sponsor/subsidize the development, deployment, and operation of civilian nuclear power? Why did it not do the same for solar? U.S. economic growth projections in the 1950s and beyond did seemingly create a bias for nuclear power. The full potential of solar remains unknown, but in the short term solar power cannot be adapted to the energy needs created by the U.S. economy, especially when that economy is being spurred by energy-profligate urban sprawl.
But nearmedium-term energy demand projections did not, however, prompt the United States to pursue and promote nuclear power. Into the 1950s, the United States was a leading producer of petroleum, Therefore, among advanced industrialized countries in the postWorld War II period, the United States was in the best position to forego pursuing civil nuclear power and instead invest in the long-term energy strategy of developing solar energy.
Frank N. Laird, in his book Solar Energy, Technology Policy, and Institutional Values , holds that the United States aggressively deployed civilian nuclear power and forewent solar energy because of the ideas that dominated White House thinking on energy. Laird explains that during the postWorld War II period, the ideas of energy supply and national security were linked, and beginning with the Eisenhower administration (19531961), these concepts became tied to nuclear powerwhich held the promise of virtually limitless and inexpensive supplies of energy.
Laird, however, fails to grapple with the fact that throughout the postwar period and into the contemporary era, the thinking on energy supply that dominates the U.S. polity is rather unique. This uniqueness results from the position America holds in the global economic/political system. It is the prime leader of the capitalist world system and was tasked with (undertook) the goal of actively maintaining it.
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