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Acknowledgements
For their generous assistance with the research, writing and production of this book, the author would like to thank James Baker, Chris Bayly, Sara Bershtel, Paul Bew, Vivian Bickford, Chloe Campbell, Georgina Capel, Michael V. Carlisle, James Cronin, Thi Dinh, Richard Duguid, Donald Futers, Carrie Gibson, Julia Hobsbawm, Riva Hocherman, Julian and Marylla Hunt, Jennifer Huntington, Shruti Kapila, Peter Kilfoyle, Alan Lockey, Cecilia Mackay, Carrie Martin, Rana Mitter, Ruaridh Nicoll, Michael Parkinson, Stuart Proffitt, Gaye Blake Roberts, Hannah ORourke, Miri Rubin and the Department of History, Queen Mary, University of London, Claire Sandars, Ben Shephard, Owen Stanwood, Rory Stewart, Phil Tinline, Juliet Thornback, Imogen Walford, Ian Wason, David Watson, Alison Wedgwood, Benjamin Wegg-Prosser, Jon Wilson.
Introduction
On a sharp winters day in December 2010, the Hong Kong Association and Society held its annual luncheon in Londons Hyde Park. The venue, of course, was the Mandarin Oriental Hotel, part of the Jardine Matheson group, perched lucratively amidst the billionaires playground of Knightsbridge. All the great tai-pans of British corporate life were in attendance: Sir Henry Keswick, chairman of Matheson & Co. Ltd; Sir Adrian Swire, honorary president of John Swire and Sons Ltd; and his son, Merlin Swire, recently despatched to Cathay Pacific Airways to learn about doing business in the East.
However, the Associations guest of honour was not some old China hand, flown in from the Hong Kong Club, to wax lyrical about Britains easternmost possession. Instead, it was the tall, suave and studiously loyal ambassador of the Peoples Republic of China, His Excellency Mr Liu Xiaoming. In syrupy diplomatese, Beijings man in London spoke rhapsodically of the Pearl of the Orient and the achievements of British business in building up the colony, and then reaffirmed his governments commitment to Deng Xiaopings one country, two systems template for twenty-first-century Hong Kong. Communist China would not impose Mao Zedong thought on to Hong Kong. Instead, it was determined to preserve freedom of speech, the rule of law, private property rights and, above all, the low-tax, free-trade model that underpinned the former imperial citys prosperity. The future of this international city was as a global finance centre and, for British companies, as a bridge into mainland China. It was a pleasing message of business as usual smartly tailored to the merchant princes of the Mandarin Oriental.
Few would have predicted such Sino-British harmony (a favoured
The end of the line. Her Majestys Ship the Royal Yacht Britannia sails at Hong Kong harbour, 23 June 1997. The ship, which would become the floating base for Prince Charles, arrived a week before the territory was to be handed back to China after more than 150 years of British rule (1997).
A few brave commentators suggested there might be a more complex pre-history to this handover. Indeed, Martin Jacques thought the ceremony showed, no sense of contrition, of humility, of history. This was British hypocrisy at its most rampant and sentimental. Conversely, in Hong Kong itself, there was evidence of genuine regret at the passing of the colonial order. Many resident Hong Kongers admired the last governors attempts at democratic reform (not previously a British priority) and harboured understandable fears over the future security of their capitalist economy under a system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
But there was no such nuance from Britains politicians. The diaries of Alastair Campbell, Prime Minister Tony Blairs director of communications, describe the scene amongst the UK delegation preparing for the ceremonial: When someone referred to the Chinese as the Dewhursts of Peking there was a mild laugh around the table. I looked at Chris Patten a bit bemused. Dewhurst as in butchers, he said. Campbell thought it all a little self-indulgent. The general sense
In his own memoirs, Blair recalls of the ceremony a tug, not of regret but of nostalgia for the old British Empire. He also admits to a startling failure to appreciate the historic significance of the return of Hong Kong as a rising, newly prosperous China sought to take its place in the world and shed the memory of its century of humiliation at the hands of British, French and American forces. After President Jiang Zemin had teased the exhausted, jet-lagged and jejune British premier about his poor knowledge of William Shakespeare
he then explained to me that this was a new start in UK/China relations and from now on, the past could be put behind us. I had, at that time, only a fairly dim and sketchy understanding of what the past was. I thought it was all just politeness in any case. But actually, he meant it. They meant it.
However, there was one member of the British delegation keener to cling on to the past. In a confidential diary entry entitled The Great Chinese Takeaway, His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales laid bare his despair at seeing the Crown colony returned to the mainland. Watching another piece fall from his family inheritance, the prince lamented the ridiculous rigmarole of meeting the old waxwork Jiang Zemin, and the horror of watching an awful Soviet-style