1. Introduction
[T]he social imaginary is that common understanding which makes possible common practices, and a widely shared sense of legitimacy. () This understanding is both factual and normative; that is, we have a sense of how things usually go, but this is interwoven with an idea of how they ought to go, of what missteps would invalidate the practice (Taylor
The study of these three sites of cultural transformation reveals how the past is being renegotiated vis--vis the new possibilities and the competing visions of the democratic Polish society. The book tries to capture and examine some aspects of the new social imaginary in which aspirations of catching up with the West, p. 25). In this volume, I focus on the transformations of practices, hoping to contribute to further general understanding of the systemic transformation taking place in Poland.
In my first case, I explore a particular religious site, seeing it as an example of a strategy on the part of the Catholic Church to maintain its long-time authority over Polish society. I look closely at a specific place, a Marian sanctuary with a recently built basilicaone of the five largest in Europeand I follow wide popular discussions about it in the national media. The second case of my study is a free open-air summer music festival known for generating and cultivating empathy between the mostly young generation of Poles, the concert-goers. It is an impressive event, one of the biggest rock festivals of that kind in the world, organized by a nationally celebrated organization, which raises funds for hospital equipment for newborns and, recently, the elderly. Despite its size and the associations the general public has with the kind of music played there, it is one of the safest events held in Poland. The third case, the study of civic engagement through grassroots internet -based pro-voting campaigns and through the emergence of local watchdog websites monitoring local self-governments, offers an insight into one of the post-1989 examples of civil-society mobilization. On the one hand, the internet is used as a medium to promote voting as a basic form of civic activity . On the other, the facelessness the websites provide proves useful for local communities , as their members are given space to voice opinions and influence authorities via a medium accessible to all, without the fear of being identified and harassed by local officials, a practice common in local communities all over Poland. Furthermore, in each of these cases, I offer an interlude of sortssome of them explicit, others implicit inspirationscoming from, or at least partially based in, the United States: the Holy Land Experience , a religious theme park in Orlando, Florida, vis--vis the Catholic sanctuary in Liche ; Live Aid charity concerts vis--vis Woodstock Station festival; and Rock the Vote pro-voting campaigns vis--vis grassroots national and local civic activity. While Rock the Vote is openly described as an inspiration by the creators of the Polish pro-voting campaigns, Live Aid remains a clear reference point for Woodstock Station . Finally, Holy Land Experience, while not directly an inspiration for the sanctuary in Liche , offers noteworthy parallels in adopting pop-cultural entertainment for a spiritual effect.
These three Polish strategic sites reveal different aspects of cultural transformation after the dismantling of Communism , as they present spaces for new commonplace yet celebratory practices that are linked to both inherited traditions and new ideas coming from Polands opening to the outside world. These practices are ordinary because people engage in different forms of religious practice, acts of recognition , and civic activities on a daily basis, yet they are also celebratory because the sites emphasize and further support the values and shared beliefs these practices are based on. They each contribute to the new social imaginary that shapes and orients life in post-1989 Poland. At the center of the book are new social practices and the shift in meanings provoked by them, which exposes new ideas of community as it is practiced, mediated, and imagined. Thus, these three sites can be seen as particular sources exerting influence over the shaping and conditioning of society in Poland, the country that has gained access to democratic freedom and choices coming with it still less than 30 years ago, and is currently strongly divided on the performance of democracy as such. Though these practices of religiosity , recognition , and civic engagement do not exhaust the elements needed to constitute a society, they are important factors that contribute to the reshaping of a society as a whole, providing a glue for community . Furthermore, they reveal the broader underlying issues of agency , community , and power , as they are negotiated in Poland today. Thus, this work explores the many, at times conflicting, contemporary perceptions and ideals, and some efforts to implement themall of which contribute to the creation of a contemporary social imaginary nearly three decades after the country entered on the path of transformation.
Catching Up with the West
In the mid-1990s, the prominent Polish sociologist Jerzy Szacki wrote about Communist Poland as a nation wanting to return to Western Europe (Szacki , p. 304), Polands aspirations toward joining the idolized West, that is, Western Europe and the United States, as a place of political freedom, wealth, and pop culture only became greater. Yet the world Poland regained access to was no longer just the West: it was a complex and quickly changing international, political, economic, social, and cultural reality. This opening to the outside world meant that Poland was suddenly exposed to a multitude of choices that were unavailable under a Communist regime wary of its ideological, economic, and cultural monopoly.
The outside world is now profoundly present in Polish society: it may be embraced or rejected, but after the lifting of the Iron Curtain , it became clearly visible. Shifts in key meanings related to Poland as a community , as it is envisioned by its membersincluding such shared elements as religion, social empathy, and civil societyare among the many effects of political and economic transformation . While the implications of the Polish transformation from the point of view of community and its cultural practices have been the object of some media discussion, research focused on Polands progress in modernizing itself to fit to the standards of the idealized West has proved too narrow to capture cultural processes. The emerging post-1989 narratives that fuel the transformations of the social imaginary go beyond the analysis of outcomes of political and economic transitions. Still, the concept of Poland as a post-Communist country catching up with the established democratic and capitalist world illustrates a common thread in social research that uses the dominant versus minority culture perspective, and to a large extent, equates the experience of postcolonial and post-Communist countries. According to this argument, countries of the former Soviet Bloc are to be treated as minority cultures struggling against the dominant culture of the West. What is lost in this reasoning, however, is that Western culturefilms, music , and bookswas significantly present in some of the formerly Communist countries, carefully rationed by authorities or distributed unofficially. For example, the prestigious Paris-based Polish-migr literary and political magazine Kultura (Culture) served as a bridge between the two worlds, publishing authors such as Czesaw Miosz and Albert Camus. Furthermore, it is a culture Poles have felt historically members of both during and long before the Communist era. This notion of belonging is particularly noticeable in the case of Poland, but it was exceptionally captured by Milan Kundera in his famous essay The Tragedy of Central Europe . However, after over a decade of Polands membership in the European Union , the concept of catching up has become increasingly contested. The European refugee crisis and recent terrorist attacks carried out in major Western European cities, including London and Paris, have led to a visible shift in Poles attitudes toward European valuesboiled down to inviting terrorists, in addition to imposing gender equality and gay rightscontrasting them with traditional Polish-Catholic ones. As a result, since 2015, Poland has been ruled by the nationalist, authoritarian, and increasingly EU-skeptic Law and Justice (PiS) Party, which won both presidential and parliamentary elections playing not on notions of catching-up but on fears of the West.