Khan - The Battle for British Islam

Reclaiming Muslim Identity from Extremism

SARA KHAN

with Tony McMahon

SAQI

To my daughters, Maryam and Hannah

Stand up for something, even if it means standing alone. Because often the one who flies solo has the strongest wings.

She who is brave is free.

4. Identity Politics: Islamism and the Ultra Left,
the Far Right and Feminists

I would like to thank all the people I interviewed for this book. I am indebted to each person who was willing to share insights and experiences with me. Many of these people are doing incredible work.

A special thanks to Rashad Ali and Usama Hasan, who were always at the end of a phone or email.

I would also like to thank my mother-in-law, Hamida, and my sister-in-law Afshan who both helped take care of my children as I devoted my time and energy to this book. I thank my husband, Mohsin, for his long-standing patience, encouragement and support in all that I do; and my brother Anis and sister-in-law Mehwish for their continual support and help. You have always been there for me no matter what time or day.

A special thank you to my younger brother, Adeeb, for supporting me in the early days, and Kalsoom Bashir for her friendship, laughter and love of cake, which kept us both sane in times of darkness.

Finally, I am forever indebted to my parents. You gave me the best gifts one can give a daughter: an education and independence. And to my sister, Sabin, who encouraged me to believe in myself. She is one of the most remarkable, resilient and awe-inspiring women I know.

Many of these terms hold different meanings for different people. Here are the definitions that will guide usage in The Battle for British Islam.

The primary focus will be on Islamist extremism and other forms of Muslim extremism, though the far Right of British politics will also be covered. My definition of extremism includes any who incite violence, hatred or discrimination for political, religious or ideological causes. This can often include undermining the rule of law and democracy.

Extremism is not just about violence. In the twenty-first century, universal human rights norms should be the means by which we judge extremism. My definition is also based on contemporary Muslim scholarship on notions of citizenship and equality.

The label moderate Muslim is ambiguous and subjective and will be avoided in this book. Individuals of all faiths should be judged on whether they subscribe to accepted human rights and values.

Conservative interpretations of Islam should not be conflated with extremist belief, as it often is. Muslims may hold certain conservative opinions on homosexuality, for example, and be protected under Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights guaranteeing religious belief. However, although the legislation recognises the right to make ones religious belief manifest, there are limitations to what is allowed. This especially applies when hate, discrimination or violence are advocated in the name of religion.

Conservative Islamic interpretations should not be considered to be especially authentic. Liberal interpretations are just as valid. Historically, Islamic jurisprudence has always produced diverse opinions; conservative interpretations have to take their place among many equally other legitimate views that exist in Islam.

Islamism is a political ideology; it is not synonymous with the faith of Islam. Islamism defines Islam as a socio-political system and advocates an expansionist Islamic state governed by sharia law. There are different types of Islamism. Some are violent, others not.

Non-Muslims refers to people outside the Muslim faith. It is a crude term, used reluctantly for the purposes of this book as alternatives were considered too clumsy or long-winded.

Daesh, Islamic State, ISIS and ISIL have all been used in the media to describe the so-called Islamic State. ISIS is still a commonly used term, and we have used it in this book. This does not suggest any recognition of the ISIS claim to be an Islamic state.

Islamophobia is a problematic and loaded term. Used as originally intended, it is there to protect or defend Muslims from abuse, attacks and discrimination. However, in recent years it has been extended by some to include a prohibition on criticising Islamist ideology and shutting down discussion on theological matters within Islam. Alternative terms have been used in this book to characterise attacks, hatred or discrimination against Muslims.

A tumultuous crisis has engulfed contemporary Islam as the faith struggles to escape the clutches of extremists. News of Muslim terrorists murdering and engaging in suicide bombing, claiming that their actions are Islamic, has become a daily occurrence. Many Muslims painstakingly and repeatedly stress that these acts of terror have no justification in the Islamic faith. Other Muslims disagree; across the world thousands have joined Islamist terror groups. ISISs leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi rebuffs the notion that Islam is a peaceful religion. Instead he asserts Islam was never a religion of peace. Islam is the religion of fighting.

In this highly divisive environment, what can be agreed on is that the word Islamic clearly means very different things to Muslims across the world. The result is a furious battle to claim or reclaim what Islam stands for in the twenty-first century. The controversial idea of a clash of civilisations, between Islam and the West, is continuously debated. But the real clash taking place now is within Islam. It is pitting Muslims against each other with competing claims of what values and principles the faith stands for. The consequence of this bitter conflict will impact on not just the lives of over a billion Muslims but all of us, and future generations.

Often the focus of this battle is analysed with primary reference to terrorism. In an era of global Islamist extremism, this is inevitable. From Boko Haram in Nigeria, to Tehreek-e-Taliban in Pakistan, al-Qaida, al-Shabaab in Somalia, and of course ISIS, Muslims and non-Muslims alike are being murdered. The sheer brutality and scale of Islamist terrorism engulf us all. That is the case whether the atrocities occur in a concert hall in Paris, at Friday prayers at a mosque in Nigeria or at a funeral in Baghdad. We are not seeing any diminution to this violent threat. The unfortunate truth is that Islamist-inspired terrorism, for the time being at least, is here to stay.

The battle within Islam, however, encompasses much more than just the challenge of terrorism. At its heart is a conflict of ideas and a question as to whether Muslims believe Islam is reconcilable with pluralism and human rights. Or do Muslims, instead, hold religious supremacist ideas over and above notions of equality and citizenship? These debates are taking place every day in communities, mosques, homes and on social media across the UK as well as around the world. These disputes among British Muslims define the battle for British Islam.

There are just under 3 million Muslims in the UK. While only a fifth of the UKs population as a whole is under fifteen, this age group makes up a third of Muslims in Britain.

The same heterogeneity exists in the workforce. Unemployment is higher among Muslims than any other religious group and particularly among women. At the other end of the scale, it is estimated that there are more than 10,000 Muslim millionaires in Britain, with liquid assets of more than 3.6 billion. There are 13,400 Muslim-owned businesses in London, creating more than 70,000 jobs and representing just over 33 per cent of Small to Medium Enterprises in the capital alone.