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Manuel Castells Manuel - Critical Education in the New Information Age

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Manuel Castells Manuel Critical Education in the New Information Age

Critical Education in the New Information Age: summary, description and annotation

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Traumatizing capital: oppositional pedagogies in the age of consent / Peter McLaren -- Flows, networks, and identities: a critical theory of the informational society / Manuel Castells -- New educational inequalities / Ramn Flecha -- Education and community involvement / Paulo Freire -- Border youth, difference, and postmodern education / Henry A. Giroux -- Our common culture: a poisonous pedagogy / Donaldo Macedo -- Labor power, culture, and the cultural commodity / Paul Willis.

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Table of Contents Flows Networks and Identities A Critical Theory of - photo 1
Table of Contents

Flows, Networks, and Identities: A Critical Theory of the Informational Society

Manuel Castells

It is widely acknowledged that a process of structural transformation is under way in advanced societies. It stems from the combined impact of a major technological revolution based upon information-communication technologies, the formation of a global economy, and a process of cultural change whose main manifestations are the transformation of womens role in society and the rise of ecological consciousness. The recent transformation of the world political order and the demise of communism and of the Marxist-Leninist ideology are also fundamental trends of our historic epoch. Yet, I argue that the collapse of the Soviet empire is also a consequence of the strains generated by the transition to the informational society.

A number of social theories and interpretations have tried to grasp the essence of the current structural transformation (Beniger, 1986; Miles, 1988; Monk, 1989; Martin, 1988; Williams, 1988; Lyon, 1988; Katz, 1988; Salvaggio, 1989; Cawkell, 1987; Forester, 1987; Hage and Powers,1992). They all agree on the centrality of knowledge generation and information processing as the basis of the new sociotechnical paradigm (Porat, 1977), as the technological-social revolution based on the generation and use of energy constituted the foundation of the industrial society (Kranzberg and Pursell, 1967). This is why I choose to name the new society information-al, in order to indicate that the social attributes of information generation and information processing go beyond the impact of information technologies and of information itself, as the industrial society could not be simply assimilated to the diffusion of industrial manufacturing.

Yet, the brightness of the rising star often blinds the observer. Few theories are specific, comprehensive, and rigorous enough to provide an interpretive framework for the understanding of the new history. To be sure, there is a considerable amount of research on the social and economic impacts of new technologies, but these are partial aspects whose fundamental meaning has to be integrated into a broader system of social interaction. The systemic character of the theory is more necessary than ever to understand this new society, because one of the central features of such society is the tight interdependency between its social, political, and economic spheres.

There is also an abundance of pop sociological pseudotheories, confirming the fact that prophecies and ideologies quickly fill in the lack of scholarly research in any situation of historic transition. Overall, there is little systematic, rigorous theory enabling us to understand the actual contours of the social structure of contemporary societies as informational societies. Indeed, the best-constructed analyses of such process of transformation of the social structure are still based on the earlier, great sociological analyses of the postindustrial society. This is why we must return to the sources to build up from there, while contrasting the hypotheses on postindustrialism with the actual evolution of societies in the past twenty years.

Theories of the Postindustrial Society

It is a striking paradox that the theory of postindustrial society was formulated, in its essential nucleus, in the late 1960s (Touraine, 1969) and early 1970s (Bell, 1973), just before the full blossoming of the revolution in information technologies. Yet, todays social theorizing of structural transformation of our societies is still dominated by these early theoretical constructions, harbingers of a broader set of social and economic interpretations elaborated approximately in the same period (Richta, 1969; Fuchs, 1968; Porat, 1977). All these theories were based on the common idea that industrial society (not capitalism) has been historically superseded in its logic and structure. The fact that the theory anticipated the major technological transformations to come (the microprocessor, 1971; the personal computer, 1975; the recombination of DNA, 1973) shows that information technologies are an essential component of the overall social transformation, but it is not the only determinant factor. These technologies are the result of social and institutional demands for the tasks they can perform as well as the source of a series of fundamental transformations in the way we produce, consume, manage, live, and die.

In its essence, the theory of postindustrialism starts from a major empirical observation, that productivity and economic growth still organize societies around their logic, both in the work process and in the distribution of the wealth thus generated. In this sense, the theory is in line with the Marxian tradition. Furthermore, the engine for change to postindustrialism is an innovation in the productive forces; throughout the first half of the twentieth century, science and technology became the main sources of productivity. And in the post-World War II period, knowledge and information became the fundamental elements in the generation of wealth and power in society. This is the foundation of the theory. However, an immediate specification of such a statement makes things more complicated. Technology is not just science and machines; it is social and organizational technology, as well.

Indeed, in the first econometric analyses that founded the theory of postindustrialism (Solow, 1957; Kendrick, 1961) it was clear that the combination of production factors (basically labor and capital) and the efficient use of energy, all through organizational technology, were the basis for the hypotheses on the sources of productivity. According to these econometric analyses, the growth of productivity in industrialized economies did not come from the quantitative increase of capital or labor in the production process. It came from somewhere else, from a mysterious, unidentified, statistical residual that appeared in the equations characterizing the aggregate production function. It was hypothesized that such residual was the empirical expression of science, technology, and management.

Because both science (and its technological applications) and social technology (including, at some level, social science, along with managerial expertise) were considered to be the critical forces in the steady growth of productivity over time (above 2 percent per year in the United States), all social processes and institutions were to be involved in the productive forces. The various dimensions of society become more interdependent, and the worlds of economy and technology depend more than ever on government and, therefore, on the political process. Postindustrial societies, organized around social choices, are more political than agricultural societies (organized around survival against a hostile nature) and than industrial societies (organized around processes of economic accumulation).

Thus, the occupational structure of society becomes more diversified in terms of activity. The expansion of services means simply an ever-growing extension of human work beyond the sphere of direct, material production. Postindustrial societies are characterized, and even defined in the thinking of some authors, by the shift from goods-producing to service-handling activities. This is the hard empirical trend repeatedly used by social theorists as evidence of postindustrialism. The decreasing weight of manufacturing in employment and in its contribution to gross domestic product is cited as the critical indicator for the fading away of the industrial society.

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