Barry Goetz, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Sociology and part of the Criminal Justice Studies program at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo, MI, USA. He has been doing research and writing on fire and policing issues for almost 30 years. He received his Ph.D. in Sociology at the University of California at Berkeley. He was the recipient of a National Institute of Mental Health Fellowship at the University of California at Los Angeles and a National Institute of Health Fellowship at Brown University. His research also has been supported by a grant from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.
Routledge Advances in Sociology
For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com/series/SE0511
198 Habermas and Social Research
Between Theory and Method
Edited by Mark Murphy
199 Interpersonal Violence
Differences and Connections
Edited by Marita Husso, Tuija Virkki, Marianne Notko, Helena Hirvonen and Jari Eilola
200 Online Hate and Harmful Content
Cross National Perspectives
Pekka Rsnen, Atte Oksanen, Matti Nsi and Teo Keipi
201 Science, Technology and the Ageing Society
Tiago Moreira
202 Values and Identities in Europe
Evidence from the European Social Survey
Edited by Michael J. Breen
203 Humanist Realism for Sociologists
Terry Leahy
204 The Third Digital Divide
A Weberian approach to digital inequalities
Massimo Ragnedda
205 Alevis in Europe
Voices of Migration, Culture and Identity
Edited by Tzn Issa
206 On the Frontlines of the Welfare State
How the Fire Service and Police Shape Social Problems
Barry Goetz
207 Work-Family Dynamics
Competing Logics of Regulation, Economy and Morals
Edited by Berit Brandth, Sigtona Halrynjo and Elin Kvande
208 Class in the New Millennium
Structure, Homologies and Experience in Contemporary Britain
Will Atkinson
209 Racial Cities
Governance and the Spatial Segregation of Roma in Urban Europe
Giovanni Picker
7
Public Safety Agencies, Dimensions of Power, and the Shaping of Social Problems
Public safety protections, like other essential public goods and services such as health care and education, promote social rights of citizenship and what Marshall (1983[1950], 258) called the concrete substance of civilized life. Fire and policing services are crucial to the social safety net that protects all Americans. Nevertheless, like other aspects of the welfare state, the public safety sector reflects what Marcuse (1986, 248) called the myth of the benevolent state. Policies ostensibly aimed at promoting societal well-being often fail in their mission or promote unequal outcomes.
I use the concept of institutional selectivity to better understand the ways in which governments shape social problems and the dynamics of social inequality. This concept is derived from Claus Offes (1974, 3539) work on selection mechanisms, described in detail in , this volume). Yet, state bias is often not clear-cut. Rather, it tends to be implicit and institutional, rooted in the normative orders of state structures and practices. In this book I have defined these normative orders as the interplay between bureaucratic structures and procedures, agency subcultures, and the micro-foundational aspects of organizational life, including the cognitive orientations of state actors.
The biases implicit to institutional selectivity produce contradictions and conflict that eventually lead to managerial, fiscal, and legitimacy crises that require the reorganization of state structures and practices. It is important to show, however, that changing public policy agendas will introduce new forms of social and political bias. Neil Smith (1996) argued that we are now in the era of the revanchist city, characterized by increasing gentrification, unaffordable housing prices, and curtailments in urban and especially social welfare services. Local governments face unprecedented levels of fiscal austerity, forced to seek neo-liberal solutions for dealing with social problems, outsourcing or privatizing even the most essential of public services (Miller and Hokenstad 2014). Still, citizens demand services, and governments are expected to do more with less, leading to new institutional arrangements for dealing with social problems. As a result of austerity reorganization, local social welfare services are concentrated and expanded in those functions deemed most necessary for security, in police and fire services. These services are asked to do more and more, with uneven consequences.
Explanations of Bias and the Third and Fourth Dimensions of Power
A three-dimensional view of power is concerned with the systemic ways in which governmental structures and processes perpetuate bias short of overt conflict or the influence of political actors. This three-dimensional view of power is illustrated in this book through an examination of the structures and practices of both fire and policing agencies, and in particular, the emphasis on firefighting versus prevention and investigation and crime-fighting and order maintenance versus an emphasis on community outreach and service.
Despite its analytic advance, Lukes (2005) cautions that the three-dimensional view of power may not go far enough to account for why dominated groups fail to make their interests heard. Drawing on Gramscis view of consent, Lukes(2005, 124) states that domination can work against peoples interestsby stunting, diminishing and undermining their powers of judgment and by falsifying,distorting and reducing their self-perceptions and self-understanding. This dynamic becomes clear when one examines regulatory matters such as fire control. Few question the goals of equity surrounding emergency response, where public safety agencies are dispatched to protect the lives of all citizens. During times of crisis, however, the selective biases of government are revealed, prompting political mobilizationaround regulatory failures and weaknesses. Such was the case during the 1970s when state agencies were charged with doing too little to address the nations socia problem of fire (, this volume). Even as government responded to the nations fire problem, however, it did it selectively, reimposing new dynamic of bias. In this way, then, the organizational dynamics of government work to obfuscate and shape the ways in which the citizen comes to understand the meaning of publi policy, and tend to dull political conflict until a social disaster or other moment o crisis emerges.