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John Lloyd - Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot: The Great Mistake of Scottish Independence

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Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot: The Great Mistake of Scottish Independence
Author:
John Lloyd
Publisher:
Polity Press
Genre:
Books / Politics
Year:
2020
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CONTENTS

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Table of Contents

Pages

Dedication

For Ilaria Poggiolini

SHOULD AULD ACQUAINTANCE BE FORGOT

THE GREAT MISTAKE OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE

JOHN LLOYD

polity

The right of John Lloyd to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

First published in 2020 by Polity Press

Polity Press
65 Bridge Street
Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK

Polity Press
101 Station Landing
Suite 300
Medford, MA 02155, USA

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-4268-0

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Lloyd, John, 1946- author.
Title: Should auld acquaintance be forgot : the great mistake of Scottish independence / John Lloyd.
Description: Cambridge ; Medford, MA : Polity, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: An incisive critique of the quest for Scottish independence-- Provided by publisher.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019038609 (print) | LCCN 2019038610 (ebook) | ISBN 9781509542666 (hardback) | ISBN 9781509542673 (paperback) | ISBN 9781509542680 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Self-determination, National--Scotland--History--21st century. | Nationalism--Scotland. | Scotland--History--Autonomy and independence movements. | Scotland--Politics and government--21st century.
Classification: LCC DA828 .L55 2020 (print) | LCC DA828 (ebook) | DDC 320.1/509411--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019038609
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019038610

The publisher has used its best endeavours to ensure that the URLs for external websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to press. However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make no guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain appropriate.

Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.

For further information on Polity, visit our website: politybooks.com

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book has benefited from advice and insights from many, some of whom have been consulted often, a few of whom dont want public thanks. Those who havent said they dont include: Wendy Alexander, Ali Ansari, Brian Ashcroft, Arthur Aughey, Alex Bell, Miguel Beltran de Felipe, Paul Bew, Nigel Biggar, Lucy Hunter Blackburn, Keir Bloomer, Vernon Bogdanor, Nick Butler, Jim Campbell, Alan Cochrane, Maeve Connoly, Colin Copus, Gordon Craig, Alistair Darling, Chris Deerin, John Denham, Mure Dickie, Gerry Fisher, Jim Gallagher, Steven Gethins, Anthony Giddens, Brian Girvin, Rosemary Goring, Elga Graves, David Greig, Kevin Hague, Michael Ignatieff, Ian Jack, Alvin Jackson, Mark Jones, John Kay, Michael Keating, Christine Keay, Alex Kemp, Michael Kenny, George Kerevan, Colin Kidd, Calum MacDonald, John McClaren, Iain McClean, Greg McClymont, Gavin McCrone, Jim McColl, John Nicholson, Lindsay Paterson, Ray Perman, Jim Philips, Murray Pittock, David Purdie, Malcolm Rifkind, Graeme Roy, Christopher Rush, Michael Russell, Astrid Silins, Paul Silk, Jim Sillars, Lucas Stevenson, Adam Tomkins, Jim Tomlinson, David Torrance, David Ure, David Webster, Andrew Wilson, Janice Winter, Martin Wolf.

John Thompson and his colleagues at Polity Press including Susan Beer, Julia Davis, Emma Longstaff and Evie Deavall have been most helpful, efficient and attentive. My agent, Toby Mundy, was as always deeply and forensically engaged in the development of the book. My EnglishJewish actor son, Jacob Fortune-Lloyd, played Macduff in the Globe Theatres Macbeth in the summer and autumn of 2016, speaking in a strong Scots accent partly borrowed from me, but strengthened. It made me think about the pity of sundering a British state that had come to be largely accepting of human mixing an element in my deciding to write this book.

INTRODUCTION: BREAKING BRITAIN

The independence of Scotland would bring Great Britain to an end. That was the name given to the voluntary Union between Scotland and England in 1707 and, since it would finish Great Britain, it would destroy the United Kingdom as well, since the latter designation the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland became the official title after the Union of Great Britain with Ireland in 1800. Without Scotland, Great Britain no longer exists: and without Great Britain, the United Kingdom no longer exists. The title survived the independence of the Republic of Ireland to become the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, which has lasted for a century. In destroying that, the Scottish nationalists are playing for very high stakes indeed, whose outcome affects every part of the UK though so far, only those living in Scotland have had a voice, and the understanding has been that the thinnest majority would be enough to declare independence.

This book argues the unionist case, believing, as most Scots showed they also did in the referendum on independence in 2014, that continued, and renewed Union will be better both for Scots and their fellow British citizens. But it must be better defended than it has been in the past. Some Scots politicians have done so: Gordon Brown, the former Prime Minister, in books, articles and speeches; Alistair Darling, in his leadership of the 2014 campaign against independence; Ruth Davidson, a popular, uplifting and moderate Conservative voice (she resigned from the leadership in August 2019).

But strong English voices are usually lacking. In the Scots referendum in particular, the position of the then Prime Minister, David Cameron, and of the other party leaders, was less one strongly protective of the rights of the citizens of the UK, and more a series of often sentimental pleas that Scotland remain in the Union. In the conclusion, I give the example of the sharp debates in Canada at the end of the 1990s over the secession of Quebec debates won by the federalist politicians, who strongly argued for the rights of the federal state and pressed hard for recognition that the departure of a major province was a matter not only for its people, but for all the citizens of a Canada that would be diminished by secession. I believe it offers a model of vigorous support which should commend itself to unionists of every one of the four nations of the UK.

In some quarters, there is no defence. In August 2019, the shadow Chancellor, John McDonnell, indicated at an event in the Edinburgh Festival, that a Labour government would not try to block a second referendum on independence, saying We would let the Scottish people decide. Thats democracy thus confirming the nationalists view that the British as a whole had no interests, or rights, in the issue.

In the election of 12 December 2019, the Conservative Party led by Boris Johnson won a large majority of 80 in the House of Commons. The Scottish National Party were also winners, gaining 13 seats with 45 per cent of the vote, taking back several of the seats they had lost to Labour and the Conservatives in 2017. The Labour Party, with a far left manifesto, a fudged position on Brexit and a leader, Jeremy Corbyn, who had become unpopular, suffered most, losing 60 seats and 2.6m votes on 2017, most in constituencies in the Midlands and the North of England it had, in many cases, held for decades.

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