True Faith and Allegiance
True Faith and Allegiance
IMMIGRATION AND AMERICAN
CIVIC NATIONALISM
Noah Pickus
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
PRINCETON AND OXFORD
Copyright 2005 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire
OX20 1SY
All Rights Reserved
Third printing, and first paperback printing, 2007
eISBN: 978-1-40082-691-9
The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of this book as follows
Pickus, Noah M. Jedidiah, date.
True faith and allegiance : immigration and American civic nationalism / Noah Pickus.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1.CitizenshipUnited StatesHistory. 2. United StatesEmigration and immigration
History. 3. AmericanizationHistory. I. Title.
JK1759.P44 2005
323.6'0973dc22 2004059989
British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available
This book has been composed in Minion Typeface
Printed on acid-free paper.
press.princeton.edu
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3
Preface
IN JUNE 2000, when this book was midway through its gestation, I participated in an immigration conference at Cantigny, Colonel Robert McCormicks former estate near Chicago. McCormick, the editor and publisher of the ChicagoTribune for many years, was an officer in World War I and an ardent proponent in the 1930s and 1940s of the isolationist cause America First. His estate includes a museum that highlights the carnage of the Great War and honors the patriotic courage of those who fought in it. That war also spurred a nationwide effort to Americanize immigrants and to pass legislation that discriminated against new arrivals from southern and eastern Europe. This potent reminder of the relation between immigration and nationalism made Cantigny the appropriate setting for the conference, Citizenship in Conflict in the 21st Century. That relation, specifically the difficult dialectic between maintaining the bonds of nationhood and allowing them to be flexible enough to include new-comers, constitutes the essence of this book. In the pages that follow I advance three substantial claims about the incorporation of immigrants, the nature of American nationalism, and the primacy of politics over economics and culture in forging citizenship policy for the twenty-first century.
First, for some time now the United States has neglected the rituals of allegiance and strategies of incorporation that turn immigrants into citizens and full members of the American nation. Advocates instead wage pitched battles over partisan proposals that fail to meet the needs of immigrants or citizens. This policy of neglect emerged in the second half of the twentieth century as Americans became increasingly unsure of the meaning of their national identity and the value of U.S citizenship. The left promoted global rights and group representation and demanded special treatment for immigrants rather than casting them as future citizens and members of the American people. The right staked the future of the United States on a distinct definition of American nationhood (though proponents disagreed as to its cultural or civic character) and argued that all that was necessary for qualified immigrants to join the mainstream was to embrace that definition. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the global conflict over terrorism and religious fundamentalism has heightened these differences between left and right, but it has not produced a more serious effort to attend to both the profound and the programmatic dimensions of integrating newcomers.
Second, these views of rights, representation, and nationhood have obscured a more complex and, in my view, constructive tradition of citizenship that offers a better approach to the incorporation of immigrants. This tradition of what I call civic nationalism held sway at the Founding and in the Progressive Era, and I concentrate on these periods in this book. From James Madison to Teddy Roosevelt, proponents of civic nationalism sought to combine liberal principles and communal solidarity, to meld a rational commitment to a common creed and a reverential attachment to the bonds of nationhood. In balancing reason and reverence, civic nationalism allowed violations of Americas political principles. But in the midst of fierce conflicts over belief and belonging it more often succeeded in strengthening a common citizenship and expanding the definition of who belonged to the American nation. Today, a renewed civic nationalism offers the best chance to bolster institutional capacities for incorporating immigrants in ways that foster a shared sense of peoplehood and that generate attachment to common political principles. This civic nationalism can vigorously combat more exclusionary claims of communal solidarity while protecting individual rights and liberties.
Third, I propose that such a civic nationalism is uniquely suited to manage this difficult feat because of its pragmatic sensibility. In contrast to the schemes of proponents further to the left and the right who proffer fixed and often simplistic notions of creed or culture, civic nationalism points to the constant political work that must be done to meld ideals and allegiance. It emphasizes the need to account for actual practice in spurring attachment and engagement, rather than relying only on core values, universal rights, cultural cohesion, or racial identity. A contemporary civic nationalism seeks to bridge the gap between immigrants needs and interests, on the one hand, and the values, rituals, and practices of American life, on the other. It looks for ways to press home the vital link between the experiences of immigrant families and communities and the principles and functions of American public institutions. This supple and versatile civic nationalism is best able to confront the challenges posed by immigration, by declining civic commitment among citizens, and by the twin dangers of a too assertive or too timid nation.
In the long period it has taken me to disentangle the complex and fraught relations between immigration and nationalism I sometimes forgot why I began in the first place. Family, friends, and colleagues spurred me to complete the task, and I owe them enormous debts of gratitude. A colleague who became a friend, Peter Skerry, pressed me to think boldly and clearly. His unsparing criticism sharpened my analysis, and his belief in my work bolstered my spirits. Suzanne Shanahans combination of original thinking and common sense helped me overcome innumerable obstacles. Yossi Shains unwavering support was critical to finishing the first draft of this book, and Amitai Etzionis interest and engagement spurred its completion. I have depended as well on the advice and counsel of friends around the world, from Berkeley to Cape Town to Durham, especially Susan Bailey, Jonathan Klaaren,Avi Bernstein,Mark Grinstaff, Fabienne Meyers, Max Wallace, and Carol Tadeusik.
Although I am critical of the direction taken by many advocates for immigration, I have learned a great deal from the experience, commitment, and thinking of the best among them. At various junctures, I have been pressed to distinguish between real and illusory problems by Rick Swartz, founder of the National Immigration Forum; Frank Sharry, president of the National Immigration Forum; and Juan Jose Guttierez, director of the One Stop Immigration Center in Los Angeles. I especially learned from Gary Rubin, a leading voice at the New York Association for New Americans in the mid-1990s. His death in 2003 robbed us of a passionate advocate for immigrants and for America. I did not know Gary well, but our conversations and his letters and emails served as a powerful reminder not to let lofty notions of citizenship impose undue hard-ships on our most vulnerable populations.