THE FIRST MODERN CLASH OVER FEDERAL POWER
WILSON VERSUS HUGHES
IN THE PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION OF 1916
LEWIS L. GOULD
1916
university press of kansas
2016 by the University Press of Kansas
All rights reserved
Published by the University Press of Kansas (Lawrence, Kansas 66045), which was organized by the Kansas Board of Regents and is operated and funded by Emporia State University, Fort Hays State University, Kansas State University, Pittsburg State University, the University of Kansas, and Wichita State University
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Gould, Lewis L., author.
Title: The first modern clash over federal power : Wilson versus Hughes in the Presidential Election of 1916 / Lewis L. Gould.
Description: Lawrence, Kansas : University Press of Kansas, [2016] | Series: American presidential elections | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016004957
ISBN 9780700622801 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 9780700622818 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: PresidentsUnited StatesElection1916. | Wilson, Woodrow, 18561924. | Hughes, Charles Evans, 18621948. | Federal governmentUnited StatesHistory20th century. | United StatesPolitics and government19131921.
Classification: LCC E769.G68 2016 | DDC 324.973/0913dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016004957.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available.
Printed in the United States of America
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The paper used in this publication is recycled and contains 30 percent postconsumer waste. It is acid free and meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials z 39.48-1992.
For Jeanne
EDITORS FOREWORD
Republicans entered the elections of 1916 confident of victoryand with some reason. The GOP had controlled the House of Representatives for all but four of the last twenty-two years, and had gained sixty-six seats in the 1914 midterm elections. Republican Senate majorities were equally common. The party had won four of the last five presidential elections, all of them convincingly. Republican leaders regarded the one exception to this pattern, Democrat Woodrow Wilsons election in 1912, as a fluke, an artifact of their partys split between conservative supporters of President William Howard Taft and progressive supporters of former president Theodore Roosevelt, both of them Republicans. Between them the Republican nominee, Taft, and TR, running as a third-party candidate, had outpolled Wilson in the national popular vote by 51 percent to 42 percent. In 1916, with Wilson seeking a second term, Republicans were not about to make that mistake again. Instead, they united in support of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Charles Evans Hughes, who had demonstrated his electoral prowess before joining the court by winning elections for governor of New York in 1906 and 1908.
In addition to being a united party in 1916, the GOP regarded the Democrats as a weak one. No Democratic incumbent had been reelected as president since Andrew Jackson in 1828. The Democrats strongest region was the South, still regarded by many northerners as barely reconstructed after defeat in the Civil War. The Republicans dominated the Northeast, then the most populous and electoral-vote-rich region of the country. New York had forty-five electoral votes, for example, and Pennsylvania had thirty-eight.
Nonetheless, as Lewis Gould explains in this book, the confidence with which Wilson began his bid for a second term was not misplaced. As the head of a united Democratic government for the first time since 1894, he had ridden into office four years earlier with a 435 electoral vote victory and coattails long enough to bring a Democratic majority into Congress. As a strong party leader Wilson was able to pass a raft of progressive legislation, including the Underwood Tariff, the Federal Reserve Act, the Federal Trade Commission Act, and the Clayton Act. The outbreak of the Great War in Europe in 1914 made many Americans reluctant to change leaders in uncertain times, especially with TR campaigning ardently not just for Hughes but also for military preparations that many feared would lead to American involvement in the European war. Wilson and Peace or Hughes and War became the Democrats rallying cry as election day approached in November 1916.
The election was close until the end and even a bit beyond. The outcome in California was narrow, the results late in coming. Whichever candidate won its 13 electoral votes would be president. As Gould shows, Hughes had campaigned ineptly in California, alienating progressive Republican supporters of Governor Hiram Johnson by spending all his time with Johnsons conservative rivals. Wilson carried the state by about 4,000 votes out of nearly a million cast, enough to give him 277 electoral votes to Hughess 254. The Republicans regained control of the House but the Democrats held on to their majority in the Senate.
As Gould shows, the 1916 elections were noteworthy not just for the Democracy but also for democracy. In 1913, just three years before, the Seventeenth Amendment had transferred the power to select U.S. senators from the state legislatures to the voters. Nineteen sixteen marked the first time popular election of the Senate coincided with a presidential election. In addition, the woman suffrage movement gained strength in 1916, with Hughes supporting what soon became the Nineteenth Amendment and Wilson favoring the reform while preferring that it continue to come about through state action.
Nineteen sixteen also marked the restoration of two-party competition to presidential elections. Goulds book about the 1912 contest is aptly titled Four Hats in the Ring because the nominees of the Progressive and Socialist parties joined the Democratic and Republican nominees as viable contenders. In 1916 the Socialist Party nominee, newspaper editor Allen Benson, received just 3 percent of the national popular vote, less than half of Eugene V. Debss total four years before, and the remnants of the Progressive Party offered no candidate when TR refused to run again as its nominee. Not until 1948 would third-party candidates again be a factor in a presidential election.
Michael Nelson
John McCardell
PREFACE
The presidential election of 1916 has not fared well at the hands of historians. A recent history of the Republican Party covers the contest between Charles Evans Hughes and Woodrow Wilson in a scant three sentences that only touch on the issues between the two parties.
When 1916 is mentioned in popular sources, the judgment usually turns on how close the outcome was and the pivotal role of the state of California in making Wilson victorious. Yet the election had serious ideological consequences for the future of American politics. More even than in the more studied election of 1912, the Republicans and Democrats divided on class-based lines in 1916, with the Wilson campaign in many respects looking forward to the New Deal while the Republicans adopted the small government, antilabor union, antiregulation positions they have articulated ever since. When Republicans denounced President Wilson for passage of the Adamson Act to forestall a nationwide railroad walkout, they did so for reasons that conservatives now would find very familiar. Convinced that Wilson was illegitimate and a political usurper, the Republicans expected with great confidence that they would win the 1916 election with ease behind their well-qualified candidate, former Supreme Court Justice Charles Evans Hughes. Accustomed to Democratic ineptitude in campaigns, the GOP did not conceive that Wilson could survive. When Hughes proved to be a flawed candidate on the stump and the Democrats put together an efficient campaign, the Republicans found themselves in a close contest where issues of war and peace divided the party and gave the president the upper hand. Wilson prevailed in what has to be regarded as an upset, if not quite on the level of Harry S. Truman in 1948, certainly one that defied contemporary political wisdom.