Howard Brotz - African-American Social and Political Thought: 1850-1920
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In bringing together the most characteristic and serious writings by black scholars, authors, journalists, and educators from the years that preceded the modem civil rights movement, African-American Social and Political Thought provides a comprehensive guide to the range and diversity of black thought. The volume offers a deep history of how the terms of contemporary debate over the future of black Americans were formed. The writings assembled here reveal a tension and a thread between two essential poles of thought. These include those voices that clearly projected civic assimilation as the goal of black aspiration, and those who described how this aim would be achieved, as well as nationalist or separatist voices that despaired of ever having a dignified future in a biracial society. These two positions reflect the most fundamental questions faced by any minority group. In his forceful and courageous introduction to this new edition, Howard Brotz relates the thoughts and reflections of these black thinkers to the social and political situation of blacks in America today and argues against the political orthodoxy and sociological determinism that perpetuates the image of the black as a perennial and passive victim. In the scope and quality of its contents, African-American Social and Political Thought is a unique, invaluable source book for cultural historians, sociologists, and students of black history.
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African-American Social and Political Thought 1850-1920
African-American Social and Political Thought 1850-1920
Edited by
Howard Brotz
With a New Introduction by the Editor and a Foreword by B. William Austin
Originally published in 1966 by Basic Books, Inc.
Published 1992 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1992 by Taylor & Francis.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 91-13603
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Brotz, Howard
African-American social and political thought 1850-1920 / Howard Brotz; with a new introduction by the author and a foreword by B. William Austin.
p. cm.
Previous ed. published under title: Negro social and political thought 1850-1920. 1966.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-56000-563-7
1. Afro-AmericansHistory. 2. Afro-AmericansColonizationAfrica. 3. Afro-AmericansSocial conditionsTo 1964. I. Brotz, Howard, Negro social and political thought, 1850-1920. II. Title.
E185.B875 1991
973.0496073dc20
91-13603
CIP
ISBN-13: 978-1-5600-0563-6 (pbk)
Contents
What bearing might the thoughts and reflections of the classic black thinkers presented in this volume have upon the sociopolitical situation of blacks in America today? For that situation has vastly changed from when this book was first published twenty-five years ago. Let us view the changes in the manner of a balance sheet.
On the plus side of the ledger, the legal segregation that existed in the South has now disappeared. All the objectives of the historic struggle for civil rights, of which the franchise was the pinnacle, have been won. As could have been predicted, the legal change accelerated the erosion of the spirit of caste whereby blacks found doors closed not only by law but by public opinion. That spirit had begun to erode even before the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of the sixties. Professional baseball is only one spectacular example of a sphere opened to blacks before then by the private, voluntary decision of the owner of a team. Indeed, the major breakthrough of blacks into the middle class occurred before a single affirmative action decree, either judicial or administrative, took effect
The upshot of it all is that the majority of blacks have now entered the so-called mainstream. More important sociologically than sheer numbers is the normality with which a black in a position of authority and prestige is regarded. Twenty-five years ago it would have been inconceivable, in public opinion, that a black could be Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
That much may suffice for the plus side of the balance sheet. On the minus side is the fact that the social condition of blacks in the inner cores of the very large cities has qualitatively deteriorated. It is impossible, for example, for a poor though employed, law-abiding, religious black family living in many big-city public housing projects to have the confidence, which they had when these projects were first built, that they will not be preyed upon by black criminals who reside in the projects and, under present policies, can only with difficulty be ejected.
Then there is the matter of violence in the streets. The intra-black murder rate, which now includes babies in perambulators killed in cross fire between armed, teenage gangs, has been increasing. Robert Woodsons grim summation is that life expectancy is greater in Bangladesh than it is for a young black male in the inner cities.1 Interracial incidents, involving for the most part youths, have also been increasing, most notably in New York, which at once become media events to be exploited by demagogic politicians provoking demonstrations in the streets and even in courthouses. But that publicity only reinforces the lawlessness in the inner cities of which blacks are, and always have been the primary objects.
Also on the minus side, one must note that race is still a divisive issue in politics and on university campuses. So long as the civil rights movement stuck to its clear and limited goal of getting race out of the picture, it often experienced resistance but not a single reverse in the long struggle that began with the judicial counterattack against Plessy v. Ferguson. So soon, however, as it changed course to bring race back into the picture in a variety of forms, it encountered a reaction in public opinion.2 Racial quotas, for example, have become so indefensible that people who propose them deny that they are doing so. In the academic scene, the barriers posed by law and opinion to the entry of blacks, both as students and faculty, are now extinct (except in small, denominational and academically insignificant colleges in the South). Yet, in contrast, one notes the rise of a sharp self-segregation among black students as well as the frequent number of racial incidents on university campuses.3
These cursory remarks must suffice for the balance sheet The question stated at the beginning must then be reformulated more sharply as follows: what guidance can we get from the study of the writings of the venerable black sages included in this book so as to understand and to resolve the present crisis? For we really are in a crisisat a turning point where things can only get much better or much worse. A clue that these classic black thinkers knew something that has been lost sight of today is that they did not themselves form a unified orthodoxy. Quite the contrary, they had profound disagreements among themselves concerning all those issues and positionsassimilation versus nationalism or separatismwhich still and, perhaps, always will preoccupy any minority group.
Frederick Douglasss stand in the fight against slavery and for civil rights, for example, was not brought into being in its fullness simply by the existence of slavery. It was also shaped by a polemic he had to conduct against the most extreme form of black separatism, that is to say, emigrationism. A number of his most vocal black contemporariesMartin Delany, Alexander Crummell, Henry Highland Gametwhom he knew personally and for whom he had the highest intellectual and moral respect, despaired of the possibility of ever attaining a dignified future in the United States for themselves or their children. The prejudice against color on the part of the majority was too powerful ever to permit civic equality between white and black. Blacks should face that fact with virile realism. Their solution was an exact prefiguration of the thesis of the Zionists, Leon Pinsker and Theodor Herzl: depart from the site of perpetual degradation to establish a black republic with, paradoxically, the same fundamental political principles as those of the United States.
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