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David Miller - The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought

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David Miller The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought

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Encompassing the whole spectrum of the history and theory of politics from Socrates to Rawls, this is the most comprehensive and scholarly reference work available on the subject.

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Absolutism
The term now has no precise meaning. It is loosely applied to governments exercising power without representative institutions or constitutional restraints. Though often used today as a synonym for tyranny or despotism 'absolutism' is usually applied to early modern states. As a member of a family of regime types it was joined in the nineteenth century by Bonapartism or Caesarism; and in the twentieth, by totalitarianism. All regime types in this family have generated analogous discussions about the questions of whether absolute or total power was ever in fact attained, or is in principle attainable. (See also DESPOTISM and TOTALITARIANISM .)
The term first appeared in French in about 1796 and in English and German in about 1830. Like 'enlightened despotism' it was a neologism coined by historians after the disappearance of the phenomenon it was meant to designate. During the nineteenth century it was for the most part used pejoratively. It is still used by historians of political theory, and by those concerned with the emergence of states from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. On the one side absolutism figures in discussions of sovereignty, constitutionalism, rights, resistance, and property; on the other it figures in historiographical disputes among non-Marxist and Marxist historians about the dating, functions, and class or social basis of the period once described as the age of absolutism (16481789). Some non-Marxist historians regard absolutism as a contested concept better rendered as absolute monarchy.
Historians of political and legal thought have learned to exercise caution when treating both the disputes occasioned by more centralized and efficient monarchies and the theories used to legitimate or to assail them. At issue is the meaning of the language used by early modern theorists and the degree of actual unrestrained power attained in the practices of the regimes they designated. The most prominent advocates of absolutism among political theorists were B ODIN and Bossuet in France, H OBBES and F ILMER in England. In discussing the contested concepts used by and about them, Daly has proposed that analysts ask the following questions about uses of the words absolute and absolutism in the seventeenth-century political vocabulary:
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[W]hat does the user mean? In what part of the century is he speaking? What party, or faction does he belong to?...[Is he saying] That the king has no superior? Or is not elected? Or cannot be resisted? Does 'absolute' refer to the king's power to occupy the throne, or to the extent of power the throne gives him? Does it refer to a particular legal right or to the form of government? Does it denote a monarch's right to raise taxes and make law without consent? (pp. 24950)
Jean Bodin was the most important theorist of SOVEREIGNTY . The disorders of his time in France led him to assume the need to concentrate authority in a centralized state. Political and social stability, he held, required that in every state there be a supreme or sovereign authority, unlimited in its jurisdiction and perpetual in its exercise of power. Sovereignty did not imply for Bodin unlimited power over the persons and property of subjects. The sovereign was subject to limitations imposed by natural law and fundamental customary law (e.g. consent to taxation). But neither natural nor customary law might be enforced by the
writings and full-grown historical materialism there lies, unquestionably, a series of significant changes, mutations, innovations. At the same time, in pressing this claim Althusser was guilty of much pretension and posturing. Some of his attributions, reflecting the latest in French fashions, were alien to Marx's thought; much of what he excluded, human nature for example, was there plain as day. Equally, for all his emphasis on the materialist character of Marxist theory, the philosophy of practice he elaborated bore many of the marks of a speculative and idealist metaphysic.
NG
Reading
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Althusser, L.: For Marx. London: Allen Lane, 1969.
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and Balibar, E.: Reading Capital. London: New Left, 1970.
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Anderson, P.: Arguments within English Marxism. London: New Left/Verso, 1980.
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*Geras, N.: Althusser's Marxism: an assessment. In Western Marxism: a Critical Reader, ed. New Left Review. London: New Left/Verso, 1977.
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*Glucksmann, A.: A ventriloquist structuralism. In Western Marxism: a Critical Reader.
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Thompson, E.P.: The Poverty of Theory. London: Merlin, 1978.
Anabaptists
Radical Protestants whose movement originated in sixteenth-century Switzerland. The name literally means 'rebaptizers' from their belief in adult baptism. Their fundamentalist outlook led them to see the church as a voluntary association, radically separate from civil government. The Anabaptists acquired political notoriety when they gained control of the city of Mnster in 1534 and instituted a short-lived communist theocracy. See REFORMATION POLITICAL .THOUGHT.
DLM
Reading
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Cohn, N.: The Pursuit of the Millennium, ch. 13. London: Paladin, 1970.
Anarchism
The core of anarchism is the doctrine that society can and should be organized without the coercive authority of the state.
Although it is possible to find anarchist tendencies in the thought of many individuals stretching back to antiquity, the first political theorist to argue unequivocally for a stateless society was G ODWIN in a book published in 1793; the first to call himself an anarchist was P ROUDHON . Anarchism as an ideology had its greatest influence in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when revolutionary movements of this persuasion emerged in a number of western countries. More recently its impact has weakened, although numbers of individuals continue to think of themselves as anarchists, and sporadically impinge on the political scene.
Anarchist thinkers by no means form a homogeneous group, and at times they may seem to be held together only by their recognition of a common enemy, the state. They differ most overtly about the economic arrangements that should prevail in a stateless society: on this question anarchists form a spectrum, ranging from defenders of private property and free competition in the market, to advocates of complete common ownership, co-operative labour and distribution according to need. These differences, which will be analysed in greater depth below, reflect divergences of view on more fundamental questions, such as the meaning of JUSTICE and FREEDOM , and the possibilities of HUMAN NATURE.
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