Violent Ignorance
Author biography
Hannah Jones writes, researches and teaches about racism,
migration control, belonging and public sociology at the University of
Warwick, where she is Associate Professor of Sociology. Hannah is the
author of Negotiating Cohesion, Inequality and Change: Uncomfortable
Positions in Local Government (2013), which won the British Sociological
Association Philip Abrams Prize for best first and sole-authored
monograph in UK sociology, and co-author of Go Home?: The Politics of
Immigration Controversies (2017). On Twitter she is @uncomfy.
F or reading and commenting on sections of the book in progress, thank you Claire Blencowe, Thom Davies, Katy Harsant, Emily Henderson, Judith Kahn, Alice Mah, Elsa Oommen, Michael Riley Jones and Khursheed Wadia but especially Emily, for such detailed, nuanced and generous engagement with the drafts and for being a staunch cheerleader and advocate for the book (and for finishing it!) throughout. Thanks for the insightful comments of the anonymous peer reviewers, who helped to clarify and tighten the arguments of the book. Thank you Les Back for your belief in and enthusiasm about this project and Tom Dark for encouragement at the early stages.
For conversations over the last few years that, whether you know it or not, wound their way more or less directly into shaping what is in this book, thank you Safrina Ahmed, Cleo Forstater, Davinia Gregory, Corrin Harding, Yasemin Karsli, Rachel Lewis, Linda Nagy, Tana Nolethu Forrest and Eiri Ohtani.
For the supportive discipline of writing retreats for getting actual words on the actual page, thank you, Rowena Murray, and the other retreaters at Bowfield, Chapelgarth and Gartmore. For believing in and commissioning this book, and for your patience, thank you, Kim Walker and Melanie Scagliarini at Zed (and then Bloomsbury).
For excellent colleagueship and camaraderie supporting all the other aspects of academic life being juggled at the same time as trying to think up and squeeze out a book, thank you Darani Anand, Faye Brown, pela Drnovek Zorko Saba Hussain, Virinder Kalra, Cath Lambert, Goldie Osuri, Maria do Mar Pereira, Lynne Pettinger, Janet Smith, John Solomos, Sivamohan Valluvan, Khursheed Wadia and many others.
For your patience, and for the joy of working with you on other projects that sometimes took a back seat while working on the book, or which germinated my thinking towards the book, thank you Yasmin Gunaratnam, Ala Sirriyeh, Carly Hegenbarth, Helena Holgersson, Vanessa Hughes, Katie Klaassen, Meleisa Ono-George, Ida Persson, Gargi Bhattacharyya, Will Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Kirsten Forkert, Emma Jackson and Roiyah Saltus and also, sorry, I will get on with that other bit of writing I promised now.
For unwavering insistence I take a break and look up from the serious side of life sometimes, thank you Jennifer Sheddan, Cath Lambert, Lisa Metherell, Anne Malcolm, Tara Mulqueen, Mairead Enright, Lucy Hubbard, Naaz Rashid, and Alex, TJ, Henry, Rebecca, Kuba and Iris.
For everything good humour (mostly), support (of all kinds), encouragement, love and inspiration, thank you Judith Kahn, Rick Jones, Carla Jones and Bob Follen, Gwen Riley Jones and Michael Riley Jones, Hrishikesh Jones, and last but by no means least, Riley Riley-Jones.
And for all of the love, ideas, nourishment, laughs, mutual weeping, dancing, debating, proofreading, care and joy, and for being my partner in everything, and always, thank you Simone Helleren.
Who is responsible? Is it excusable? Was it inevitable? Is there some state of affairs which we have accepted up to now that ought to be challenged?
SUSAN SONTAG, REGARDING THE PAIN OF OTHERS
This book sets out a phenomenon I have named violent ignorance: what it looks like, how it works, its consequences and possible ways to resist it. Put simply, violent ignorance is a name for the action of turning away from painful knowledge and for the further violence this can bring. The choice to ignore is not always a conscious or deliberate one, but it still matters. By ignoring violence, we become implicated in that violence continuing; often, the reason we find it painful to think about this violence is that we may realize we are implicated, even if in a roundabout way.
Throughout this book I often use the term we. This is not to suggest that we are all in it together, in the sense governments use it, to imply there is no difference between the suffering of the powerful and that of the powerless. No I mean to recognize that I am writing from a space inside the contradictions of violent ignorance and to follow cultural critic Susan Sontags observation that when viewing violence against others, there is a need for
Most of the examples of violent ignorance in the book are concerned with the construction of national and transnational histories, belonging, racism and migration control. Sometimes people express surprise that migration control and racism should be discussed together. In many of the examples of violent ignorance I discuss, it becomes clear how they are linked because they operate in similar ways. Controlling who has access to a territory and the right to safety and dignity in a territory is a process of deciding who matters, based usually on where they were born, to whom they are related, or what material resources they have or a combination of these. Racism comes in many forms, but it certainly includes enforcing differential access to dignity, safety and resources based on where a person comes from, to whom they are related and on what resources they can call. The failure to see the connections between racism, nationhood and border control even when these connections have been explicitly inscribed in law in many cases is itself a form of violent ignorance.
This book was written between 2018 and 2020, a period many have described as part of a post-truth era, What is remembered is a choice (passive or active), and forgetting some aspects of history can make it harder to see the reasons for continued injustice (or new forms of injustice) and hampers attempts to address those injustices.
The first draft of this manuscript was finished on 1 January 2020. On 11 March 2020, Covid-19 was declared a global pandemic by the World Health Organization, after the disease was first detected in December 2019 in Wuhan province, China, and spread rapidly across continents. In the continuing chaos as I write this preface in late April 2020, many parts of the world are experiencing increased death rates and massive pressure on health services and strains as a result of the global measures intended to prevent the spread of the virus. Schools have been closed, whole populations have been confined to their homes, food supplies have been disrupted and elections have been called off.
Writing this preface at the end of April 2020, it is not possible to know what the long-term effects will be of these massive changes to ways of life across much of the world. What is clear, however, is that the pandemic and response to it have intensified existing inequalities while shaking up some seeming certainties. The crisis has brought attention to injustices that were previously ignored, while reviving other instances of violent ignorance.
The pandemic has illustrated quite clearly how interdependent human society is, across borders and across class. It has made clear how vital healthcare is for human survival and how unevenly distributed access to healthcare is both across the world and within territories. While in Britain concern was expressed about the health services access to only 4,000 ventilators for treating the virus at the beginning In countries where people have been told to work from home unless their work is essential, the situation has highlighted that essential workers home carers, delivery drivers, food producers, shop workers are often some of the lowest paid, and lowest status, people in society. It has clarified that home is not always a safe place to be, as increases in domestic violence reports surge. And it has made more visible the stark differences in resources between those who can survive lockdown by arranging for delivery of food, entertainment and luxuries, and those whose ability to access any income or basic necessities is on a knife-edge.