Kyle Conways textual analysis and in-depth research, including interviews from the shows creator, executive producers, writers, and CBC executives, reveals the many ways Muslims have and have not been integrated into North American television. Despite a desire to showcase the diversity of Muslims in Canada, the makers of Little Mosque had to erase visible signs of difference in order to reach a broad audience. This paradox of saleable diversity challenges conventional ideas about the ways in which sitcoms integrate minorities into the mainstream.
KYLE CONWAY is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Ottawa.
Acknowledgments
Thank you:
To Rebecca Weaver-Hightower, for introducing me to Mosab Bajaber, and to Mosab, for introducing me to Zarqa Nawaz;
To Zarqa Nawaz, for her insight into the creation and production of Little Mosque, for her kindness and humour, and for introducing me to Mary Darling and Clark Donnelly;
To Mary Darling and Clark Donnelly, for their thoughtfulness about this project, for their exceptional generosity and hospitality, for Little Mosque seasons 4 and 6, and for introducing me to the rest of the production team;
To Susan Alexander, Sadiya Durrani, Michael Kennedy, Anton Leo, Mike Mosallam, Al Rae, John Ranelagh, Rebecca Schechter, and Peter Sussman, for their insight into what it takes to produce and distribute sitcoms (and other programs) about Muslims in North America (and elsewhere);
To the University of North Dakota, for the Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences research grant and the Summer Graduate Research Professorship that allowed me to travel to gather interviews and spend a summer working with graduate students on audience research;
To Lucian Stone, for our conversation about humanness and the taboo against showing the full range of emotions on screen, which helped me put the idea of saleable diversity into words;
To Eric Gomez, Kiley Wright, Angela Beason, and Deb Jenkins, for their help with the initial audience research, included in chapter 3;
To Serianna Henkel, for her many contributions to the analysis of the reception of Little Mosque on the Prairie in Norway, included in chapter 4;
To my colleagues at the University of Ottawa, for finding my job talk based on this manuscript interesting enough to hire me and for welcoming me so warmly when I arrived;
To the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript, for pushing me to sharpen my analysis and recognize implications of my arguments I would not have otherwise seen;
To Siobhan McMenemy, for guiding me diligently through the editorial process and for offering encouragement when I had to rewrite the book;
And to my family: Ellie, for sleeping in my arms as a newborn as I watched episode after episode of the first three seasons; Ben, for making me stop and read books about turtles while I revised my manuscript; Kristi, for everything. This book is for you.
Earlier versions of portions of the introduction and chapters 2 and 3 appeared in Kyle Conway, Little Mosque, Small Screen: Multicultural Broadcasting Policy and Muslims on Television, Television and New Media 15, 2014. Reprinted by permission of SAGE.
Little Mosque on the Prairie and the Paradoxes of Cultural Translation
Kyle Conway
University of Toronto Press
Toronto Buffalo London
Chapter 1
Sitcoms, Cultural Translation, and the Paradox of Saleable Diversity
Two things make Little Mosque on the Prairie both different from other shows and valuable as an object of sustained study. First, its creator and producers took a deliberately interpretive approach, in contrast to most shows where the value of Muslim characters if there are any at all is the role they play in the structure of the plot. Muslims frequently are villains or, as has been the case since 9/11, innocent victims of people who believe the stereotype that Muslims are villains (, 2045).
Second, Little Mosque used humour to talk about Muslims. characters in Little Mosque were Muslims, but they were also works of fiction, a fact that jokes helped bring into the foreground.
To understand how these two traits worked together, we could ask producers about their work. The people involved with Little Mosque, from the originator and producers to the writers, directors, and actors, were reflexive in their work. But their explanations show the influence of contradictions within the television industry. Although they wanted to humanize Muslims, they were careful not to appear didactic for fear of alienating viewers. Nawaz explains, I dont feel like there was ever any real attempt to educate or to teach anyone, but because it happened to be about Muslims, the stories revolved around Muslim issues (interview with author, 2011). Darling echoes Nawaz: I see Little Mosque on the Prairie as a show which should have been able to air on any of the channels ... we went in with a very strong interest in the content for our own reasons, but those reasons couldnt become preachy or didactic, or it wouldnt have gotten 2.1 million [viewers] on its first airing (interview with author, 2011).
In other words, the people who made Little Mosque wanted to counter stereotypes about Muslims by helping viewers understand them better, but they also wanted to create a successful show. The pursuit of commercial success restricted their choices about how to interpret Muslims to a wider audience. This contradiction appears in their accounts of the show: they described both goals improved understanding and commercial success as primary, but they often elided those points where they came into conflict. Thus, we must go beyond their accounts to understand how Little Mosque performed the work of representation. What are the implications of this contradiction? How did it shape the interpretive work Little Mosques makers wanted to do? How did humour help resolve the contradiction?
We need a different analytical lens. The contradictory forces that shaped Little Mosque also created a series of paradoxes, variations on the theme of the erasure of difference in the name of diversity. But these paradoxes were not absolute, and they allowed for a certain give and take among producers, network executives, and audiences. To ask questions about the limits of the interpretive impulse, in this chapter I draw from the field of translation studies, which has been examining these limits for four decades. I use the lens of cultural translation, or the negotiation that takes place when people try to substitute a sign in one semiotic system for a sign in another. I begin by describing why such substitutions are necessarily imperfect. I then identify the people involved in the specific negotiations that led to Little Mosque and examine how these negotiations played out during production, how they became manifest in the program itself, and how audiences reacted.
What I demonstrate is that two things make jokes valuable. First, by saying two contradictory things simultaneously, they create a set of formal conditions for change: they present people with alternatives to the stereotypes they usually see. Second, by making people laugh they act as a potential catalyst for causing them to question their prior assumptions. Whether this potential is realized that is, whether viewers question their assumptions depends on the viewers, but the value of identifying the formal and affective dimensions of humour is the insight we gain into the mechanics of sitcoms and cultural translation.