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ISBN: 978-1-60732-541-3 (cloth)
ISBN: 978-1-60732-542-0 (ebook)
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Englehardt, Joshua, editor. | Rieger, Ivy A., editor.
Title: These thin partitions : bridging the growing divide between cultural anthropology and archaeology / Joshua D. Englehardt and Ivy A. Rieger, editors.
Description: Boulder : University Press of Colorado, 201. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016032564| ISBN 9781607325413 (cloth) | ISBN 9781607325420 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: ArchaeologyMethodology. | EthnologyMethodology.
Classification: LCC CC79.E85 T54 2016 | DDC 930.1dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016032564
Cover illustration Svetlana Lukienko/Shutterstock
What thin partitions Sense from Thought divide:
And Middle natures, how they long to join,
Yet never pass thinsuperable line!
Alexander Pope , An Essay on Man
The excitement was not in the museum, the excitement was in the department of anthropology... In the United States, our degrees are in anthropology, not archaeology. No matter what you do with the stones and bones, your basic education and what you test it on is the field of anthropology, so the coursework and the kind of argument that we engaged in with the faculty were very, very stimulating. You went from Angell Hallwhich was where the social anthropology and cultural anthropology courses were heldall excited, and you walked back over to the museum, and there were all those people in white coats counting their potsherds! Then you tried to figure out how to relate those two worlds. I mean, heres a world of exciting things and heres a world of mundane, little tasks. The material comes from a common set of conditionshuman behaviorso how do we go from one to the other?... There was a kind of tension in the department between the archaeologists and non-archaeologists and the anthropologists, and that was a natural thing to fall into.
Lewis Binford
Introduction
Speaking the Same Language?
JOSHUA D. ENGLEHARDT AND IVY A. RIEGER
This volume presents a critical evaluation of an issue seemingly ever present in Americanist anthropology: the relationship between cultural anthropology and archaeology. In the 70 years since Philip Phillipss (1955 :246247) famous axiom [New World] archaeology is anthropology or it is nothing, anthropologists have questioned whether archaeology truly is part of anthropology. Today, few anthropologists of any geographical or subdisciplinary background would deny that there exist key differences between the theoretical trajectories, discourses, research foci, funding options, conferences, writing styles, analytical techniques, and field methods in each anthropological subfield. We agree with those who argue that such diversity is a positive attribute that can lead to new and innovative forms of scholarly contributions and collaborations (e.g., Earle 2003 ; Gillespie et al. 2003 ). Nonetheless, we have discovered through practical experienceas have many colleaguesthat this diversity can also lead to miscommunication, feelings of alienation, and, in the most extreme cases, a rigid separation of anthropologists and their subdisciplines from one other due to feeling that they no longer have anything in common.
In short, many wonder not only if archaeologists and cultural anthropologists canor shouldproductively collaborate, or if we belong in the same academic departments or discipline as a whole, but also if we are even capable of speaking a common language, and if engaging in mutually intelligible discourse is a goal for which all anthropologists should strive. Rather than repackaging the sacred bundle, as Segal and Yanagisako (2005) termed it, or calling for the resurgence of a holistic anthropological ideal steeped in feelings of Boasian nostalgia, the chapters of this volume instead explore the following questions: What are the benefits of speaking the same language? How can a renewed emphasis on subdisciplinary dialogue and collaboration benefit anthropology as a whole as it is currently practiced in the twenty-first century?
To establish the basic parameters for this discussion, we depart from the broad definition of anthropology offered by the American Anthropological Association (AAA): the study of humans, past and present. The AAA defines cultural anthropology as the examination of social patterns and practices across cultures, with a special interest in how people live in particular places and how they organize, govern, and create meaning. Archaeology, as defined by the Society for American Anthropology (SAA) is the study of the ancient and recent human past through material remains. Nuancing these definitionsor reading between the linesreveals a common focus on culture that is at the heart of our discipline ( Flannery 1982 ; Watson 1995 ). Understanding the distinct yet interrelated aspects of human culture is thus the ultimate goal of each anthropological subdisciplinethis is what anthropologists should, and do, study. In this sense, the roles, goals, and foci of anthropologys four primary subfields complement and weave back into each other, forming a complex disciplinary whole that is greater than the sum of its individual parts. From this perspective, and following the definitions above, each subfield is part of anthropology, just as anthropology as a whole is formed by its subdisciplines. Anthropological subfields thus need each other to provide meaning and relevance to the discipline itself, as well as to contextualize the work of researchers in its subfields. If one rejects this premise, then anthropology truly is nothing more than a dubious, made-up discipline, as Wallerstein (2003) suggested.
Of course, these assertions are debatable, and have been the subject of much previous scholarship (e.g., ). Indeed, the practical reality of how the anthropological subdisciplines interact with one another is much different than that suggested by idealistic pronouncements of holism or its benefits. Still others may question whether a palpable division between anthropological subdisciplines really exists, and if so, if we as anthropologistsor the public in generalshould even care. In addition to the fundamental questions outlined above, each chapter in this volume seeks to address these critical issues. Although perspectives may differ, all of the chapters here share an interest in highlighting commonality, tangibly demonstrating the benefits of collaboration between cultural anthropologists and archaeologists, and rekindling an intradisciplinary dialogue that has lately grown sterile.