JANE L. COLLINS is professor of rural sociology and womens studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. She is the author of Unseasonal Migrations: The Effects of Rural Labor Scarcity in Peru and coauthor of Reading National Geographic, the latter published by the University of Chicago Press.
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637
The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
2003 by Jane L. Collins
All rights reserved. Published 2003
Printed in the United States of America
12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 12 3 4 5
ISBN: 0-226-11370-1 (cloth)
ISBN: 0-226-11372-8 (paper)
ISBN: 978-0-226-11373-9 (electronic)
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Collins, Jane Lou, 1954-
Threads : gender, labor, and power in the global apparel industry / Jane L. Collins,
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-226-11370-1 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-226-11372-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Women clothing workersVirginiaMartinsville. 2. Knit goods industry VirginiaMartinsvilleEmployees. 3. Clothing workersVirginia Martinsville. 4. Clothing tradeUnited States. 5. ConsumersUnited States Attitudes. 6. Women clothing workersMexicoAguascalientes. 7. Knit goods industryMexicoAguascalientesEmployees. 8. Clothing workers MexicoAguascalientes. 9. GlobalizationEconomic aspectsUnited States Case studies. 10. GlobalizationEconomic aspectsMexicoCase studies. 11. International business enterprisesUnited StatesCase studies. 12. Liz Claiborne Inc. I. Title: Gender, labor, and power in the global apparel industry. II. Title.
HD6073.C62U537 2003
331.7687 dc21
2002045579
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.
If we grant the existence of such connections, how are we to conceive of them? Can we grasp a common process that generates and organizes them? Is it possible to envision such a common dynamic and yet maintain a sense of its distinctive unfolding in time and space?
ERIC WOLF, EUROPE AND THE PEOPLE WITHOUT HISTORY
Feminine and masculine gender identity run like pink and blue threads through the areas of paid work... and citizenship.
NANCY FRASER, UNRULY PRACTICES
Scissors
have gone
everywhere,
theyve explored
the world...
PABLO NERUDA, ODE TO A PAIR OF SCISSORS
PREFACE
----------------------
This book is based on a multisited ethnography of the global garment industry, focusing on four locations: a knitting mill in southern Virginia, the New Jersey corporate headquarters of a successful apparel firm with a global production strategy, and two apparel factories in Aguascalientes, Mexico. It traces the flows of resources and power between these sites in the late 1990s, a period when the industry was experiencing intense competitive pressure. The essential question that underlies the endeavor is what it means to be a worker in an industry with a global labor market and how participating in such a labor market affects the social relations of work, the organization of production, the opportunities for negotiating with employers, and the forms of resistance that make sense.
Given the composition of the apparel workforce, this is a profoundly gendered question. Textile production was the most important industry in the first Industrial Revolution, and women were key players in the movement of work from home to factory. Today the apparel and textile industries are leading the way in developing a truly global production process, and once again women and gender are central to the story. This book tries to work against the gender-neutral, or sometimes simply male, categories of traditional economic analysis to shape our understanding of new global processes of industrialization and deindustrialization.
I brought to this project both my childhood in Virginia and nearly thirty years of research in Latin America. At the time I was growing up (the 1950s and 1960s), Latin America seemed much farther away from Virginia than it does today. People working in factories like the Martinsville plant described in this book had a hard time seeing any connection between their lives and the lives of women in places like Mexico. In contrast, in 1999the year I carried out most of the fieldwork for this projectthere was no Virginia worker who didnt have an opinion on the relation between her livelihood and that of women in southern countries. Some workers understood their
In a similar way, Mexican apparel workers now grapple with the paradoxes of global connection. I was struck by the words of one young woman who took part in a strike at her factory in December 2001 that was supported by North American college students. She said:
We produce things; they wear what we produce.... They say that they didnt like learning how we produce their sweatshirts, that they didnt like knowing that... our little sisters sewed them in the maquiladoras... the mistreatment, the low salaries. And of course we didnt like it either, because we had to leave our games and school to go to work, but for us there was no alternative. We agreed on this, that we didnt like a situation where differences existed because some had money and power and others had nothing but their hands and their ability to work. But we were and are together, and that is whats important. It is a new world where we can know what happens on one side and the other in a few seconds, and this unites us.
For this worker, the daily irony of sewing blue jeans that she could never afford was coupled with an understanding of the usefulness of labor solidarity across borders.
In this book I ask, and try to answer, questions about how competition in the apparel industry shapes the organization of work, and about how workers experience these changes in work organization. I do this using two methods. The firsta version of commodity chain analysis, traces the economic linkages that run between Wall Street and Madison Avenue, the factories that make garments, the stores that sell them, and the consumers who buy them. Using this method, I attempt to draw out hidden connections and to clarify the ways actions taken in one part of the commodity chain reverberate in other locations. A second method makes comparisons across cases. I examine differences in the workings of two companies that produce different kinds of apparel, and I compare one firms United States factories with its operations in Mexico. These analytical techniques help answer some focused questions about how apparel work is changing.
But the significance of the ethnographic material presented here is broader than that. In so much recent writing, globalization appears faceless and inevitable, a vast, abstract process that few of us understand and none of us control. I hope the stories in this book will help us think through current debates about globalization and sweatshops, putting some names and faces on the actors. In this way the book raises questionsif not fully answering themregarding what we as a society, or as global citizens, want to do about the apparel industrys current practices.
As I was finishing this book, I happened to reread Jane Schneiders work on the fairy tale of Rumpelstiltskin. Schneider reads this familiar tale in relation to the emergence of industrial linen manufacture in early modern Europe. In the story, a father locks his daughter in a room and insists she must spin straw into gold. The young woman despairs at the impossible task. A demon or spirit appears and offers to help with the work, but at the price of her firstborn child. Schneider probes versions of the Rumpelstiltskin tale for the ambivalence they convey about early industrialization. She argues that they reflect the profound contradictions that peasant women of that period experiencedbetter chances of wealth and marriage, but jeopardy to their children, as well as greed and litigiousness in social relations: The producers crystallized their ambivalence toward the promotion of linen in tales of misfits like Rumpelstiltskin, who were nasty and yet helpful at the same time.