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Bernice Neugarten - Social Welfare in Western Society

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Bernice Neugarten Social Welfare in Western Society
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S OCIAL W ELFARE in W ESTERN S OCIETY
Originally published 1982 by Random House, Inc.
Published 2009 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
New material this edition 2009 by Taylor & Francis.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2008027540
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Handel, Gerald.
Social welfare in western society / Gerald Handel.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4128-0852-1 (alk. paper)
1. Social service--United States--History. 2. Social service--History. I. Title.
HV91.H28 2008
361.91821--dc22
2008027540
ISBN 13: 978-1-4128-0852-1 (pbk)
Dedication
This book is dedicated to
My wife
Ruth Doman Handel
And to our sons
Jonathan L. Handel and Michael J. Handel
Contents
Guide
Social welfare has a three-thousand-year history in Western society. Over the centuries it has gone through many changes and transformations influenced by many institutions, forces, and trendsreligious, economic, social, political, psychological. This book offers a sociological framework that provides some conceptual order to and some general understanding of the countless details of that history, while highlighting its essentials. Social welfare in all its forms is based on one central concept help. But this is not a unitary concept. There are many versions of help and multiple debates about those versions. It is also important to note, as the record shows, that the outcomes of some of those debates have led to withholding help , and these outcomes are an inescapable part of this domain, in the past and in the present. The major versions, their development, and the debates are examined in the text. This new introduction (2009) updates that narrative for the quarter century that has elapsed from the books initial publication in 1982 to the present. Before proceeding to that update, a quick sketch of the books argument will be useful.
To begin, this book argues that in the history of social welfare in Western society five basic concepts of help have emerged, each based on a different social relationship between the helper and those helped. These five, briefly presented in , and explored and developed throughout the book, are: (1) Charity, based on a relationship between private donors and recipients, (2) Public welfare, based 011 a relationship between the state and its recipients; (3) Social insurance, based on a relationship between the state and beneficiaries of its programs; (4) Social service, based on people skilled in interaction providing skill-based time to their clients; (5) Mutual aid groups (sometimes misleadingly called self-help groups), whose members are simultaneously helpers and those helped.
These five basic concepts arose at different times in history but the later ones did not displace the earlier, and their respective advocates fiercely debated (and still debate) their respective merits. But further, there are multiple versions of each of these five concepts, also the subject of fierce debates, all nowadays usually referred to as social policy issues. There are fierce disagreements about what is helpful and which supposed forms of help are actually harmful either to the targets of help or to the wider society. The final chapter of this book concludes that the major debates have centered and continue to center around these major issues: (1) Should the poor be helped or punished? (2) Who is to blame? (3) Do the poor have the same rights as other people? (4) Who should pay? (5) Who should decide? (6) What is the effect of receiving welfare on incentive to work? (7) Who should be helped? Each of these questions is briefly examined in .
A quarter century has elapsed since the first edition was published. This essay presents a brief overview of major social welfare changes and developments since the first edition was published in 1982.
The Great Revolution of 1996
In 1996, the United States Congress passed and President Bill Clinton (19932001) signed into law the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). Ron Haskins, who played an important part in shaping the law as a staff member on the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives, has called it a revolution in federal social policy (Haskins 2006:1). What was this revolution and what are its consequences?
This new law overturned a public welfare program begun in 1935, known first as Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) and then as Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) (see ), This is the program that everybody referred to as welfare. It was by far the most widely controversial program in the American social welfare field and was under attack by critics for much of its sixty-one-year existence. It provided aid to very poor people who could pass a means test, that is could show that they had insufficient means (money) to provide necessities for their families. There was no time limit for receiving welfare benefits, as long as income from work or other sources stayed below the cut-off level. Most of the recipients were single mothers with one or more children whose fathers generally did not live with them and contributed little or no financial support. Criticisms escalated over die years because the numbers of people receiving welfare grew enormously, because many children and grandchildren of welfare recipients continued to receive welfare payments when they became adults, and because there was widespread belief that many recipients were committing fraud. All of these generated increasing anger from taxpayers whose taxes paid for this program. In addition, the mothers were stigmatized for violating mainstream moral values by bearing children without being married and often with different men. There was fraud, as there is in many government programs that disburse money, but its magnitude was inflated when President Ronald Reagan (19811989) told an exaggerated story of an African-American woman whom he called a welfare queen who supposedly drove a Cadillac to the welfare office to pick up her checks (Hays 2003: 23). In other speeches he railed against a woman in Chicago who has eighty names, thirty addresses, twelve Social Security cards and is collecting veterans benefits on four nonexistent deceased husbands. Shes got Medicaid, food stamps, and she is collecting welfare under each of her names. Her tax-free cash alone is over $150,000 (Reese 2005: 173174.) Evidence indicates that the woman he was demonizing had used two aliases to collect $8,000 in over payments (Currie 2006: 11.) His exaggeration took advantage of the widespread dislike of welfare and probably further inflamed it.
The major social policy problem with AFDC was not fraud but the ever-growing number of recipients, the unlimited time that they could receive benefits, and the distressing transmission of welfare dependency from generation to generation. The 1996 law changed all this. It replaced AFDC with Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF) which had three major differences from AFDC (Haskins 2003), (1) TANF breaks welfare dependency by ending open-ended cash payments to poor families with children. It sets a five-year time limit for receiving benefits, but receiving benefits at all requires the parent to make an effort to find paid work or train for work. (2) The federal government sends the money to each state in a lump sum called a block grant so each state can design its own program tailored to local circumstances and traditions, States are required, however, to make an effort to reduce out-of-wedlock births and to increase the percentage of children raised in two-parent married homes. (3) States are required to have 50 percent of their cases in some approved work activity for at least thirty hours a week. A state is allowed to exempt from this requirement mothers of children who are under one year old.
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