Thank you for buying this ebook, published by NYU Press.
Sign up for our e-newsletters to receive information about forthcoming books, special discounts, and more!
Sign Up!
About NYU Press
A publisher of original scholarship since its founding in 1916, New York University Press Produces more than 100 new books each year, with a backlist of 3,000 titles in print. Working across the humanities and social sciences, NYU Press has award-winning lists in sociology, law, cultural and American studies, religion, American history, anthropology, politics, criminology, media and communication, literary studies, and psychology.
Mexican Americans
Across Generations
Mexican Americans
Across Generations
Immigrant Families, Racial Realities
Jessica M. Vasquez
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS
New York and London
www.nyupress.org
2011 by New York University
All rights reserved
References to Internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing.
Neither the author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs
that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Vasquez, Jessica M.
Mexican Americans across generations :
immigrant families, racial realities / Jessica M. Vasquez.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9780814788288 (cl : alk. paper) ISBN 9780814788295
(pb : alk. paper) ISBN 9780814788363 (e-book)
1. Mexican Americans. I. Title.
E184.M5V344 2011
973.046872dc22 2010041976
New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper,
and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability.
We strive to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials
to the greatest extent possible in publishing our books.
Manufactured in the United States of America
c 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
p 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Much gratitude and love go to my family, who have
believed in me, supported me, and encouraged me in my
educational and career endeavors: Dorothy Mullison-Smith,
David Vasquez, Earl Smith, Jason Vasquez, and
Isabella Vasquez. I dedicate this work to my family,
including my grandparents: Wendell and Ethel Mullison,
who, academics themselves, appreciated my bookishness
and gave me the gift of daylilies; and Manuel and Lucy
Vasquez, who were staples of my childhood and whose
own tale in part inspired this intellectual quest.
Contents
Preface
Since 1924, Old Spanish Days Fiesta has been an annual summer celebration in my home town of Santa Barbara, California. The aim of the nearly week-long event is, according to its official website, to celebrate the traditions handed down from Spain, Mexico and the California Rancho period. This festive affair includes a historical parade, a childrens parade, rodeos, nightly dance performances, and mercados (outdoor plazas) filled with bands, dance troupes, and Mexican food vendors. The highlight is the evening dance performances, known by English and Spanish speakers alike as Noches de Ronda (Nights of Serenade), held on a stage outside of the towns red, Spanish-tile-roof courthouse. The audience stakes out spaces on the lawn early in the day for prime viewing of the elegant dancers who don elaborate costumes and perform Spanish flamenco, Mexican ballet folklrico, and Aztec dances.
Looking back, I realize that most, but not all, of the dancers were Latino/a, primarily of Mexican descent. I remember being a teenager chewing on a churro, enraptured by the dancers, and musing about how it came to be that most of the dancers on stage were Latino. Given the demographic makeup of Santa Barbara, one would expect a rough split between non-Hispanic white and Mexican-origin participants. Another point of curiosity for me was the question, Why do some Mexican Americans engage in culturally rich traditions and art forms whereas many others do not? Many Mexican Americans and non-Hispanic whites happily watched the performers. While being an audience member is arguably a form of engagement in ones heritage for Latinos, certainly there is a range of involvement in Fiesta as a cultural activity for those whose heritage it is intended to represent and celebrate. So, I wondered, why are some people strongly identify with their racial/ethnic background whereas others are not?
My nascent interest in social groupsand particularly in race/ethnicitywas piqued when I attended college on the east coast. While I loved my native state of California, I was eager to become familiar with another part of the country. My informal education began even before I moved into my college dorm room in Princeton, New Jersey. As soon as my mother and I sat down for our first dinner after arriving at the Philadelphia airport, we noticed that I was the only dark-haired person dining in the restaurant that night. This was my first experience of feeling like a cultural and phenotypic outsider. This had never happened in my home town in southern California, of course, since I was a cultural insider to both mainstream white and Mexican American cultural worlds. In California, I enjoyed cultural trappings that I now realize are hybrid but are nonetheless (and importantly) embraced in that environment: my family and I had piatas and pin-the-tale-on-the-donkey at birthday parties, we had Sunday barbeques at my grandparents house with chili beans and apple pie, and we attended Presbyterian and Catholic churches to honor both of my parents religious upbringings. My physical appearance lent itself to this bicultural status as wellpale skin, brown eyes, dark brown hair. In a town that is 78 percent white, 13 percent some other race, 4 percent two or more races, 2 percent black, 3 percent Asian, and 33 percent Hispanic/Latino (of any race), I literally looked like most of the town, fitting comfortably into the two predominant racial/ethnic populations of white and Latino.
Also during my freshman year at Princeton University (1994), debates about Proposition 187 were raging in California. Proposition 187 was created to deny basic social services, including health care and education, to undocumented immigrants. In my intermediate Spanish language classwhich should have already been an indicator that I am probably not a Mexican national fluent in Spanishother students identified me as the person who would know about the Proposition 187 debates. They barraged me with questions about what life in Mexico was like and what my stance was on the California proposition, clearly expecting me to speak from the perspective of an undocumented worker as opposed to a U.S. citizen. When I left for college, I had no idea that in New Jersey, three thousand miles away from my largely Hispanic state of California, some would see me as an all-or-nothing-Mexican. This shocking categorical rigidity moved me to understand the power of race and the forces that shape our perceptions of our racial identity.
I became involved in a ballet folklrico dance group in college. Previously, there had simply been no need for me to actively preserve or promote any particular aspect of my background. My environment reflected who I was, both non-Hispanic white and Mexican American. Placed in a different social milieu, where the student and faculty population was predominantly non-Hispanic white, I desired a connection to cultural elements that were natural to me in southern California but lacking at college on the east coast. If necessity is the mother of invention, then desire for a taste of home in college was the inspiration for my dancing. In this way, social situation did bear on the activities I was engaged in. If that was my personal experience, does that tell us anything about the broader experience of racial and ethnic identity? Tuning in to C. Wright Millss notion of the sociological imagination, I began to ponder how individual experience is linked to the broader context of historical timing, structure of society, and institutions. This book is an academic research endeavor that seeks to discover the social influences that shape the way Mexican Americans, over family generations, experience and explain their social identities.