Sanford Gottlieb - Defense Addiction: Can America Kick The Habit?
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Whatever happened to the postCold War peace dividend? Why does military spending continue to escape federal budget reductions? Why, despite the nearly universal desire to reduce government waste and budget deficits, is the United States still saddled with a costly, bloated military-industrial complex? The answer, says Sanford Gottlieb, is the debilitating dependence of a key sector of the American economy on defense jobs and profits. Defense Addiction is based on hundreds of interviews with defense contractors, union representatives, members of Congress, state and federal officials, lobbyists, economic development professionals, and local activists. Gottlieb explains how these groups and individuals cope with defense dependence, competition for federal funds, and budget and job cutspainting a sobering picture of how this addiction hampers the nations ability to deal effectively with a host of domestic and global problems. Gottliebs engaging and jargon-free volume points to civilian public investments, reduced military spending, strengthened international peacekeeping, and other measures that could help our country kick the defense habit. His book also provides guidance to companies and communities struggling to break free in the face of inadequate government policies.
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Defense Addiction
DEFENSE
ADDICTION
ADDICTION
Can America Kick the Habit?
Sanford Gottlieb
First published 1997 by Westview Press
Published 2018 by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 1997 by Sanford Gottlieb
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gottlieb, Sanford.
Defense addiction : can America kick the habit? / Sanford Gottlieb.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8133-3119-6 (hc).ISBN 0-8133-3120-X (pb)
1. United StatesDefensesEconomic aspects. 2. Military-industrial complexUnited States. 3. Defense industriesUnited States. 4. United StatesMilitary policy. I. Title.
HC110.D4G67 1997
338.4762330973dc20 96-29414
CIP
Gottlieb, Sanford.
Defense addiction : can America kick the habit? / Sanford Gottlieb.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8133-3119-6 (hc).ISBN 0-8133-3120-X (pb)
1. United StatesDefensesEconomic aspects. 2. Military-industrial complexUnited States. 3. Defense industriesUnited States. 4. United StatesMilitary policy. I. Title.
HC110.D4G67 1997
338.4762330973dc20 96-29414
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-0-8133-3120-1 (pbk)
CONTENTS
The late William Colby was an early supporter of this book. He probably wouldnt agree with all of its conclusions, but he was deeply committed to meeting the challenges of a new era and was very helpful in trying to secure funding for the necessary research. Bill Colbys personal qualities of dedication and flexibility are precisely the ones needed to move the United States more firmly into a civilian postCold War era.
Defense Addiction is based in large part on hundreds of interviews in and around the military-industrial-congressional complex in ten states and the District of Columbia. Practitioners and analysts alike gave freely of their time and contributed greatly to an up-to-date understanding of recent developments in this key, often-ignored sector of our society.
My peripatetic fact-finding would not have been possible without the generous support of the Compton Foundation, for which I am very grateful.
The interviews, added to others conducted for the Americas Defense Monitor television program and the information I absorbed over the decades working for nonprofit arms-control organizations, were invaluable in assessing trends and adding detail.
So were the wise counsel and insights provided by Greg Bischak, Michael Closson, Joan Holtzman, Ann Markusen, and Joel Yudken. Kevin Cassidy, Greg Frisby, Lawrence Korb, and Alexander MacLachlan offered many helpful comments on portions of the manuscript. Marcus Corbin, Victoria Holt, Lora Lumpe, Greg Stone, Paul Walker, and the research staff of the Center for Defense Information came through with timely data and leads. Richard Tirocke helped overcome technical challenges with the overworked computer. I am indebted to all of them.
Throughout, I benefited enormously from the steady editorial input, ideas, suggestions, and warm support of my wife, Gladys Gottlieb.
Sanford Gottlieb
Back in the 1950s and 60s, American schoolchildren practiced duck and cover drills to prepare for the Soviet H-bomb attacks people felt sure were coming. Today, the fearsome prospect of Soviet-American nuclear war has evaporated. The Cold War is over, a development that should have ushered in a future of peace and promise.
That didnt happen.
Bloody civil wars have multiplied around the globe, and the international community has responded fitfully at best. The financially exhausted countries of the former Soviet Union, having squandered their resources on the long and losing confrontation with the West, are beset with ethnic tensions, inflation, organized crime, and all the problems of revolutionary change. No new world order has been built to cope with international violence.
Although the United States emerged as the sole remaining superpower, it, too, suffered the effects of nearly a half-century of Cold War. The financial costs were huge. The $4 trillion ($12.8 trillion in 1995 dollars) in military spending between 1947 and 1990 contributed mightily to the budget deficits of the 1990s. These deficits in turn constrain the governments ability to help solve deep-rooted, painful domestic problems.
Yet money was not the only cost of the Cold War. Secrecy exacted a toll on our democratic institutions. Secrecy, observed Gregory Foster, a professor at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, is the most lasting, visible and destructive feature of the Cold War ethos. Obsessive secrecy has had the unintended effects of disguising government abuse, obscuring accountability, and engendering public distrust, fear, alienation and apathy.
For years, a substantial slice of military and intelligence spending, the black budget, has been concealed even from members of Congress. Nowhere has secrecy more shamefully covered up government abuse than in the radiation experiments conductedoften in the name of national securityon U.S. citizens. As we have learned, seemingly benign federal agencies dealing with health and veterans affairs experimented on more than 23,000 unsuspecting Americans. In addition, 16,000 individuals, including prisoners, mental patients, and children, were irradiated in experiments by the Department of Energy (DoE) and the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC). These figures do not include citizens subjected to tests by the Defense Department.
The end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union freed the United States to cut defense spending, especially after the surge in military outlays during the 1980s. The Bush administration undertook modest reductions, spurring hopes of a peace dividend that could be applied to domestic problems.
One of these problems had crept up quietly and gradually. Even though the countrys gross national product increased during the final years of the Cold War, as economist Wallace Peterson pointed out, The real weekly income of a worker in 1990 was 19.1 percent below the level reached in 1973. This decline in real income for all except the wealthiest citizens squeezed living standards. Many Americans felt they were losing ground, and some turned to scape-goating in their frustration.
At the same time, the productivity growth rate was slowing. This was largely due to deteriorating roads, bridges, tunnels, airports, and navigation facilitiesinfrastructure that had been starved for public investment while the United States spent heavily on bombers, missiles, tanks, and aircraft carriers. The country lacked the sturdy infrastructure a modern economy needs.
Other, interlocking problems were more explosive. Poverty, joblessness, drugs, racial tensions, and violent crime were the stuff of a witches brew that made many Americans fear other Americans even more than they had earlier feared communism.
The global economy, including its large U.S. component, was in recession when the Cold War ended in 1990. Ten million Americans were unemployed. In the culture of urban poverty, drug sales became the ticket to wealth, and drug-related violence claimed the lives of many young black men. Easy availability of guns and readiness to use them made American society the most dangerous of any in the industrialized countries. Some inner-city became virtual war zones at night.
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