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Burton W. Folsom - The Myth of the Robber Barons: A New Look at the Rise of Big Business in America

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Burton W. Folsom The Myth of the Robber Barons: A New Look at the Rise of Big Business in America
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The Myth of the Robber Barons: A New Look at the Rise of Big Business in America: summary, description and annotation

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The Myth of the Robber Barons describes the role of key entrepreneurs in the economic growth of the United States from 1850 to 1910. The entrepreneurs studied are Cornelius Vanderbilt, John D. Rockefeller, James J. Hill, Andrew Mellon, Charles Schwab, and the Scranton family. Most historians argue that these men, and others like them, were Robber Barons. The story, however, is more complicated. The author, Burton Folsom, divides the entrepreneurs into two groups market entrepreneurs and political entrepreneurs. The market entrepreneurs, such as Hill, Vanderbilt, and Rockefeller, succeeded by producing a quality product at a competitive price. The political entrepreneurs such as Edward Collins in steamships and in railroads the leaders of the Union Pacific Railroad were men who used the power of government to succeed. They tried to gain subsidies, or in some way use government to stop competitors. The market entrepreneurs helped lead to the rise of the U. S. as a major economic power. By 1910, the U. S. dominated the world in oil, steel, and railroads led by Rockefeller, Schwab (and Carnegie), and Hill. The political entrepreneurs, by contrast, were a drain on the taxpayers and a thorn in the side of the market entrepreneurs. Interestingly, the political entrepreneurs often failed without help from government they could not produce competitive products. The author describes this clash of the market entrepreneurs and the political entrepreneurs. In the Mellon chapter, the author describes how Andrew Mellon an entrepreneur in oil and aluminum became Secretary of Treasury under Coolidge. In office, Mellon was the first American to practice supply-side economics. He supported cuts on income tax rates for all groups. The rate cut on the wealthiest Americans, from 73 percent to 25 percent, freed up investment capital and led to American economic growth during the 1920s. Also, the amount of revenue into the federal treasury increased sharply after tax rates were cut. The Myth of the Robber Barons has separate chapters on Vanderbilt, Hill, Schwab, Mellon, and the Scrantons. The author also has a conclusion, in which he looks at the textbook bias on the subject of Robber Barons and the rise of the U. S. in the late 1800s. This chapter explores three leading college texts in U. S. history and shows how they misread American history and disparage market entrepreneurs instead of the political entrepreneurs. This book is in its fifth edition, and is widely adopted in college and high school classrooms across the U. S.

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Copyright 2010, 2007, 2003,1996, 1991, 1987 by Burton W. Folsom, Jr.
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
Published by Young America's Foundation
F. M. Kirby FreedomCenter
110 Elden Street Hemdon, Virginia 20170
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote brief passages in a review.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Folsom, Burton W.
(Entrepreneurs vs. the State)
The Myth of the Robber Barons/Burton W. Folsom, Jr. p. cm.
Previously published as: Entrepreneurs vs. the State
ISBN 0-9630203-0-7 (HB) : $19.95. ISBN 0-9630203-1-5 (PB) : $9.95
1. Capitalists and financiersUnited StatesHistory. 2. CompetitionUnited StatesHistory. 3. Free enterpriseHistory. 4. SteamboatsUnited StatesHistory. 5. EntrepreneurshipHistory. I. Title
HG181.F647 1991 338'.04'097309034dc20
From reviews of THE MYTH OF THE ROBBER BARONS
"THE MYTH OF THE ROBBER BARONS is ... excellent.... In short, this book is the perfect supplement to most standard economic and business history textbooks. This reviewer has adopted it already."
Larry Schweikart, THE HISTORIAN
"I read this book in one sitting. In spite of the easy reading of the text, the book has profound meaning for the nature of business in America, with implications for political philosophy and economic theory. There isn't a businessman in the country who would not profit from the reading of this important book."
Angus MacDonald, BOOK REVIEWS
"Folsom demonstrates the pernicious effects of government involvement in business.... The enormous value of this book is that it enlightens the intelligent reader with the facts about an era that virtually every history book shrouds in falsehoods."
Second Renaissance Books
THE MYTH OF THE ROBBER BARONS "is a lively, well written and informative introduction to the subject. It is a useful source for students of American history."
Ann M. Scanlon, NEW YORK HISTORY
"The subtlest essay makes James J. Hill an American hero as the only man who built a transcontinental railroad without government subsidy.... The most daring attempt at revision is the author's paean to John D. Rockefeller."
Stuart D. Brandes, AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
"Folsom draws an insightful lesson. Government aid [to railroads] bred inefficiency; the inefficiency raised costs and rates, and angry customers demanded government regulation; the resulting regulation promoted even greater inefficiency...."
Robert Higgs, THE WORLD & I
"Burt Folsom has done a wonderful job.... The picture of economic history printed in this book helps prove that political promotion of economic development is futile."
Carl Watner, THE VOLUNTARYIST
"Folsom presents the subjects as they were, warts and all, avoiding shrill accusation or exoneration of shortcomings."
Tommy W. Rogers, CHRONICLES
"If these stories are correct, then much of the conventional history of American business is off base.... Folsom persuasively describes how government subsidies to 'political entrepreneurs' actually lowered the quality of output."
M. L. Rantala, CHICAGO ENTERPRISE
Contents
Foreword by Forrest McDonald
Preface
CHAPTER ONE
"The greatest anti-monopolist in the country:"
Commodore Vanderbilt and the Steamship Industry
CHAPTER TWO
"Making a difference in the way the world worked:"
James J. Hill and the Transcontinental Railroads
CHAPTER THREE
"Confidence and unity of purpose:"
The Scrantons and America's First Iron Rails
CHAPTER FOUR
"The American spirit of conquest:"
Charles Schwab and the Steel Industry
CHAPTER FIVE
"Refining oil for the poor man:"
John D. Rockefeller and the Oil industry
CHAPTER SIX
"Cutting taxes to raise revenue:"
Andrew Mellon and the 1920s
CHAPTER SEVEN
Conclusion: Entrepreneurs vs. the Historians
APPENDIX
Notes
Index
Bibliographic Essay
Foreword
It is possible to regard this book as light reading, despite the range and depth of the meticulous scholarship on which it is based, because it is written in a pleasant, almost chatty style and is concerned with an array of fascinating charactersbold innovators who created mightily as well as pious frauds who bilked the public on a grand scale. Indeed, though I have studied American economic history for many years, I have found on almost every page information and anecdotes I had not encountered before. The entertainment value of the work is not lessened by the fact that it revises in important ways many misperceptions that historians have imposed upon the recordfor instance, the idea that vertical mobility is a myth. Quietly but conclusively, and without interrupting the flow of his narrative, Folsom demonstrates that vertical mobility, both upwards and downwards, has truly been a norm in America: poor men have become rich men and rich men have become poor men, depending upon skill, brains, work, and luck.
But there is considerably more here than some good stories and some significant revisionism. On one level, Folsom shows that the "Robber Baron" school of historians of American business enterprise was partly right and partly wrong but was unable to distinguish which was which. He points out that during the nineteenth and the early twentieth century (and by unmistakable implication, in the late twentieth as well) there were two kinds of business developers, whom he describes as "political entrepreneurs" and "market entrepreneurs." The former were in fact comparable to medieval robber barons, for they sought and obtained wealth through the coercive power of the state, which is to say that they were subsidized by government and were sometimes granted monopoly status by government. Invariably, their products or services were inferior to and more expensive than the goods and services provided by market entrepreneurs, who sought and obtained wealth by producing more and better for less cost to the consumer. The market entrepreneurs, however, have been repeatedlyone is tempted to say systematicallyignored by historians.
On another level, Folsom's study has profound implications for American historiography beyond the immediate subject to which it is addressed. It is commonly held that the Whig Party of Clay and Webster and its successor Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln and William McKinley were the "pro-business" parries, and that the Jacksonian Democrats were anti-business. What comes through here is something quite different. The Whigs and Republicans engaged in a great deal of pro-business rhetoric and in talk of economic development, but the policies they advocated, such as subsidies, grants of special privileges, protective tariffs, and the like, actually worked to retard development and to stifle innovation. The Jacksonian Democrats engaged in a great deal of anti-business rhetoric, but the results of their policies were to remove or reduce governmental interferences into private economic activity, and thus to free market entrepreneurs to go about their creative work. The entire nation grew wealthy as a consequence.
On yet another level, though Folsom's work is balanced, judicious history, addressed to the past (and is unmarred by the shrill accusatory tone that characterizes the writings of anti-business historians), it has a powerful relevance to current political discourse. In response to the relative decline of the American economy during the last decade or two, many corporate businessmen have joined with leftist ideologues to clamor for a "partnership" between government and business that would involve central planning, protective tariffs, and a host of restrictions upon foreign competitors. What Folsom has to say to them is a common-sense message drawn from endlessly repeated historical examples. Political promotion of economic development is inherently futile, for it invariably rewards incompetence; if incompetence is rewarded, incompetence will be the product; and when incompetence is the product, politicians will insist that increased planning and increased regulation is the appropriate remedy.
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