Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri - Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove: An Insiders Account of Pakistans Foreign Policy

I was the Foreign Minister of Pakistan during 200207, a most momentous time not just for Pakistan but for the world at large. This period covers events immediately following 9/11 as well as the Pakistan-India peace process that made great strides in those years. In fact, the two countries were on the verge of finalizing a historic framework of an agreement on the internecine Kashmir conflict, the cause of five wars between Pakistan and India, including three major ones in 194748, 1965, and 1971Rann of Kutch and Kargil being the other ones. The period covered in this book is also when I was Foreign Minister for five years between 200207. It has been updated to late 2014 (and in some cases 2015), with an analysis of the latest situation based on experience and insights gained during my tenure. In order to do so, I have obviously used my experience to reflect on recent developments in our relations with India and other important countries. Unfortunately, no major positive developments have taken place since I left office, as far as relations with India are concerned, therefore, all that has been stated in the book as an insiders account is equally relevant today.

During my tenure as Foreign Minister, Pakistans foreign policy remained focused on promotion of regional and global peace and security as well as on the countrys economic and social development and the welfare of its citizens. Amidst turbulent times, Pakistan managed to improve its relations with all its neighbours and the major world powers. It is not possible to do justice to all of Pakistans vital bilateral and multilateral relations as well as to major regional and international issues in a single volume. The book is largely about Pakistans difficult relationship with India and attempts to normalize this relationship. It also deals with Pakistans difficulties on our Western borders, particularly, following the Soviet Unions invasion of Afghanistan. The events of 9/11 and the resultant problems in the trilateral relationship between Pakistan, Afghanistan and the US are also covered. This relationship can even be regarded as a quadrangular relationship, if we bring India into it, given its interest in Afghanistan. For this reason therefore, Pakistans vitally important relationships with the Islamic world, particularly with Saudi Arabia and the GCC countries, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistans closest ally China and near neighbours like Russia have not been adequately dealt with. I would have also liked to deal at greater length with our complex and emotional relationship with Bangladesh, once a part of Pakistan. To cover all this would require another book from me. It is, however, necessary to refer to these vitally important relationships, albeit briefly in this book.

I have primarily written this book to provide an authoritative and personal account of Pakistans foreign policy at a time when it underwent major strategic shifts to conform to new and rapidly evolving global imperatives. I hope to offer the reader a candid analysis of Pakistans historical and recent foreign policy formulations anchored in my experience as Foreign Minister.

Although foreign relations remain the cornerstone of the book, I also provide a brief account of my upbringing and education which together have profoundly shaped my world view that can neither be classified as hawkish nor dovish. Moreover, I also make this point that vide a concise account of Indo-Pak history as the existing mainstream accounts of history in both Pakistan and India have unfortunately been tampered with to conform them to the two states national agendas and ideologies. Unless the youth of both the countries are taught an accurate and truthful version of history, their corresponding misconceptions about each other will continue to be fuelled by their distorted understandings of history, making it difficult to achieve enduring peace and stability in South Asia. This is particularly true of Pakistan, and, it is unfortunate that while Turks, Iranians, Egyptians and Muslims living in other parts of the world, despite being good practising Muslims, are proud of their heritage, in Pakistan there is little desire to make the younger generation aware of their great historical legacyof course the great Islamic legacybut also Mehrgarh, Indus, and Gandhara Civilizations. No wonder, the youth is developing such a myopic view of the world.

My analysis and my attitude towards things is inevitably informed by my upbringing and family history which have had a profound impact in moulding my viewpoints. My grandfather, Maulana Abdul Qadir Kasuri, besides being a successful lawyer took a very active interest in the freedom movement; he was also one of the top leaders of the Khilafat Movement in India and President of the Indian National Congress (Punjab) for ten years (between Lala Lajpat Rai and Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din). Unfortunately, it is not generally known to the younger generation in Pakistan that there were a large number of Muslims who were leaders in the Indian National Congress that included the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

One of my three Indian counterparts, the then Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee, now President of India, said that he had done some research for me regarding my grandfather; I was touched. According to him, my grandfather had a very important position in the Congress at that time and he said that Punjab, UP, and Bengal presidentships were considered almost as important as being President of the All-India Congress Committee. These were inter-changeable positions. He told me that Maulana Abul Kalam Azad became President of Bengal Congress after leaving the office of the Central President of the Congress.

I was subjected to opposing influences in my life from both my father and mothers side. All of us are affected by various influences, some of which may not be in harmony with each other. As I was growing up, I started to understand my fathers dilemma; he had many socialist and progressive friends who thought he was far too conservative because he was a practising Muslim. They were particularly surprised how he could be a practising Muslim and still be supportive of progressive causes especially in the context of the 1950s and 1960s when anti-colonialism was at its height in the developing world; when anti-Americanism had begun to rise because of Vietnam; and when it had become fashionable among the progressives and socialists to accept Karl Marxs view of religion as the opium of the people. As a result of my fathers eclectic company and his experiences, being myself has always come naturally to me (despite the contradictions in my paternal and maternal familys backgroundsmy mother came from a princely family).