SPINOZA FOR OUR TIME
INSURRECTIONS: CRITICAL STUDIES IN RELIGION, POLITICS, AND CULTURE
Insurrections: Critical Studies in Religion, Politics, and Culture
Slavoj iek, Clayton Crockett, Creston Davis, Jeffrey W. Robbins, Editors
The intersection of religion, politics, and culture is one of the most discussed areas in theory today. It also has the deepest and most wide-ranging impact on the world. Insurrections: Critical Studies in Religion, Politics, and Culture will bring the tools of philosophy and critical theory to the political implications of the religious turn. The series will address a range of religious traditions and political viewpoints in the United States, Europe, and other parts of the world. Without advocating any specific religious or theological stance, the series aims nonetheless to be faithful to the radical emancipatory potential of religion.
FOR THE LIST OF TITLES IN THIS SERIES, SEE THE
SPINOZA FOR OUR TIME
Politics and Postmodernity
Antonio Negri
Translated by William McCuaig
Columbia University Press
New York
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
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New York Chichester, West Sussex
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Spinoza et nous dAntonio Negri 2010 Editions Galile
English translation copyright 2013 Columbia University Press
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E-ISBN 978-0-231-50066-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Negri, Antonio, 1933
[Spinoza et nous. English]
Spinoza for our time : politics and postmodernity / Antonio Negri; translated by William McCuaig.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-231-16046-9 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-231-50066-1 (e-book)
1. Spinoza, Benedictus de, 16321677. I. Title.
B3998.N4413 2013
199'.492dc23
2012051155
A Columbia University Press E-book.
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Cover design by Martin Hinze
CONTENTS
Time is restless.
ANTONIO NEGRI, Time for Revolution, kairs
Our relation to the seventeenth-century Dutch Jewish philosopher Baruch Spinoza via the twenty-first century Italian thinker Antonio Negri is to an unthought or barely thought radical democracy, a concrete potentiality and smoldering power of our time. In the Ethics, Spinoza provides us with an ontology and an anthropology of creative relations, a constructive account of immanent being on the one hand and, on the other, an affective, desiring conception of human liberation achieved through embodied joy and intellectual power. In his other great work, the Theological-Political Treatise, Spinoza leads usagainst the mainstream modern political tradition and, today, against neoliberalismto a concept of democracy understood as a society which wields all its power as a whole (ch. XVI, Elwes translation). Negris decades-long work on Spinoza aims to demonstrate both how these two sides of Spinozas vision cohere and how they mutually reinforce one another. For Negri, the genius of Spinoza was to have grasped at the epochal inception of modernity, among the forces of its incipient capitalist globalization, the ultimate identity of an immanent, material, affective, and constructive conception of being and a unique idea of democratic political constitution.
For Negri, the word democracy, far from merely signifying one political system among others, one, say, in which individuals would be allowed the freedom to choose their governmental representatives and to engage freely in exchange-relations with others, designates instead an ontologically creative power, the universal human powerpolitical, but equally social, cultural, linguistic, physicalto make and remake being itself. A cooperation-without-synthesis of subjective and material forces acting in common, such democracy manifests the irreversible power to make the world itself a common space of creative endeavor, thereby forging new relations that amplify unlimitedly that very power itself. This form of action inhabits a unique temporality, the time of kairsthe creative moment that ruptures the continuous flow of ordinary history and opens up not only new possibilities and new names but new realities. There is nothing abstract about this common power, our common power. It is the concrete, global interconnectedness of human labor and life, born in principle with the advent of modernity and yet immediately curtailed and distorted by the brutal history of modern capitalism. Among other things, democracy is a namesullied, to be sure, but infinitely self-renewingfor action oriented not toward but within the affects of joy and love (real joy and real love, not the cheap substitutes proffered and withdrawn everywhere in the service of other ends). Democracy asserts the immanence of this worlds desiring multitude.
In developing such a concept of radical democracy across the dozens of books he has written over the past decades, Negri conjoins politics and ontology in a program of the noncapitalist production of a global common. And in this conjunction Spinoza remains for Negri the key thinker. Where Spinoza wrote Deus, sive NaturaGod, or Natureto mark the unqualified identification of two terms designating concepts usually held not only to be distinct but to be positively opposed to one another, Negri offers us a similarly momentous fusion of concepts, at once philosophical and political: democracy, or communism. For Negri, such a fusion does not represent some exterior synthesis or merely ideal approximation, but is rather the immanent naming of the constitutive and joyful power that Spinoza was the first to identify philosophically as the very substance of our world. This is indeed our ontology, the ontology of the multitude, a theory and praxis fusing objective and subjective genitives in a new political grammar.
The present work, Spinoza for Our Time, has roots in some of Negris earliest projects. Already in books such as Political Descartes and, later, Marx Beyond Marx, Negri employs philosophys embeddedness in large-scale social and historical processes as a way to advance a style of textual analysis and rigorous argumentation that takes the dynamics of such processes into account in the reading of the history of philosophy without reductionism or vicious circularity. In Negris work an immanently political writing is thereby made manifest, a powerful inscription of historical materials and theory into channels of immediate political resonance. Like Machiavelli before him, Negri writes equally in the immediate political present and in the attenuated presence of his historical interlocutors. And like Machiavelli, Negri knows the fierce immediacy of political struggle and the ineliminable need for the sharpest intellectual cunning, not to mention the negativity and brutality of reactionary power, of the forces of punishment and imprisonment that aim to crush bodies and minds that will not submit. In Negris writing, thought bodies forth the materiality of a rhythmic, driving assault. The clarity of his arguments and the detail of his textual examinations as well as the force and frequent brilliance of his rhetorical leaps at once exhibit and produce a distinctive intellectual camaraderie. One reads