Copyright this collection Polity Press 2012. Chapter 6 Colin Renfrew
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
John C. Barrett is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Sheffield.
Douglas W. Bird is Senior Research Scientist in the Bill Lane Center for the American West and the Department of Anthropology at Stanford University.
Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh is Curator of Anthropology at the Denver Museum of Nature and Science.
Chris Gosden is Chair of European Archaeology at the University of Oxford.
Ian Hodder is Dunlevie Family Professor of Anthropology at Stanford University.
Carl Knappett is Associate Professor of Aegean Prehistory at the University of Toronto.
Timothy A. Kohler is Regents Professor of Archaeology at the Washington State University, External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute, and a Research Associate at Crow Canyon Archaeological Center.
Vincent M. LaMotta is Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
Lynn Meskell is Professor of Anthropology at Stanford University.
Stephanie Moser is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Southampton.
James F. OConnell is Distinguished Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Utah.
Bjrnar Olsen is Professor in the Department of Archaeology and Social Anthropology at the University of Troms.
Colin Renfrew is Senior Fellow of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.
Stephen Shennan is Professor of Theoretical Archaeology at University College London (UCL) and Director of the UCL Institute of Archaeology.
Julian Thomas is Professor of Archaeology at the University of Manchester.
INTRODUCTION
Contemporary Theoretical Debate in Archaeology
Ian Hodder
Any archaeology student is today faced with a large number of volumes dealing with archaeological theory, whether these be introductory texts (e.g. Johnson 2010), historical surveys (Trigger 2006), readers (Preucel and Mrozowski 2010; Whitley 1998), edited global surveys (Hodder 1991; Meskell and Preucel 2004; Ucko 1995), or innovative volumes pushing in new directions (e.g. Schiffer 1995; Shanks and Tilley 1987; Skibo et al. 1995; Tilley 1994; Thomas 1996, etc.). It has become possible to exist in archaeology largely as a theory specialist, and many advertised lecturing jobs now refer to theory teaching and research. Regular conferences are devoted entirely to theory as in the British or USA or Nordic TAGs (Theoretical Archaeology Group). This rise to prominence of self-conscious archaeological theory can probably be traced back to the New Archaeology of the 1960s and 1970s.
The reasons for the proliferation of theory texts are numerous, and we can probably distinguish reasons internal and external to the discipline, although in practice the two sets of reasons are interconnected. As for the internal reasons, the development of archaeological theory is certainly very much linked to the emphasis in the New Archaeology on a critical approach to method and theory. This self-conscious awareness of the need for theoretical discussion is perhaps most clearly seen in Clarkes (1973) description of a loss of archaeological innocence, and in Binfords (1977) call for theory building. Postprocessual archaeology took this reflexivity and theorizing still further. Much of the critique of processual archaeology was about theory rather than method, and the main emphasis was on opening archaeology to a broader range of theoretical positions, particularly those in the historical and social sciences. In fact, anthropology in the United States had already taken its historical and linguistic turns, but it was only a view of anthropology as evolution and cultural ecology that the New Archaeologists had embraced. When the same turns were taken in archaeology to produce postprocessual archaeology, the theorizing became very abstract and specialized, although such abstraction was also found in other developments, such as the application of catastrophe theory (Renfrew and Cooke 1979). In fact all the competing theories have developed their own specialized jargons and have a tendency to be difficult to penetrate.
One of the internal moves was towards a search for external ideas, and external legitimation for theoretical moves within archaeology. There has been a catching up with other disciplines and an integration of debate. Similar moves towards an opening and integration of debate are seen across the humanities and social sciences. There are numerous examples of close external relations between archaeology and other disciplines in this book. Shennan (chapter 2) describes the productive results of interactions between biology, population demography and archaeology. Human behavioral ecology (Bird and OConnell, chapter 3) is closely tied to ecology and evolutionary ecology. Discussion of complex systems in archaeology is part of wider debates in cybernetics and systems theory (Kohler, chapter 5). Renfrew (chapter 6) describes debates with cognitive science and evolutionary psychology. Barrett (chapter 7) shows how the agency debate in archaeology owes much to sociology. Thomas (chapter 8) demonstrates that archaeological work on landscapes has been greatly influenced by geography, especially by the recent cultural geographers, and by art history and philosophy. Socio-cultural anthropology is a key partner in the debates described in chapters 7 to 13, and science and technology studies have greatly influenced archaeological discussions of symmetry (Olsen, chapter 10) and materiality (Knappett, chapter 9). History and the history of art are central to many of the chapters in the latter part of this book, especially the work on visualization (Moser, chapter 14). But it should be pointed out that these interactions with other disciplines are not seen as borrowing from a position of inferiority. Increasingly the particular nature of archaeological data, especially their materiality and long-term character, is recognized as having something to offer other disciplines in return.