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Peter Halfpenny - Positivism and Sociology: Explaining Social Life

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Any serious attempt to explain social life has to come to terms with sociologys positivist legacy. It is a heritage on the one hand from the seventeenth-century political arithmeticians and the later moral statisticians who believed that quantification would provide the basis for a dispassionate analysis of social affairs; and on the other hand from the nineteenth-century post-Enlightenment social philosophers who were eager to develop an empirical science of society that would enable them to control social conduct just as the physical sciences had provided the knowledge to tame nature. Yet every debate about the relation between positivism and sociology is clouded by the diversity of uses of the term positivism uses that are so varied that some can pronounce positivism dead while others find it still the vital force that dominates sociology.

The particular merit of Peter Halfpennys book is that it makes this diversity of uses its central theme. In order to provide a clear basis from which to assess controversial questions about the contribution of the positivist traditions to sociology, the book reviews twelve different important uses of the term positivism that have emerged at different times since the mid-nineteenth century, when Auguste Comte coined both positivism and sociology. This review is conducted by examining the historical development of the two independent roots of modern sociological positivism positivist philosophy and statistics and by analysing logical positivist philosophy, which in many ways defined the course of twentieth century philosophy of the social (as well as the natural) sciences.

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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
SOCIAL THEORY

Volume 53
POSITIVISM AND SOCIOLOGY

First published in 1982
This edition first published in 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
1982 Peter Halfpenny
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 9780415727310 (Set)
eISBN: 9781315769974 (Set)
ISBN: 9781138788053 (Volume 53)
eISBN: 9781315763477 (Volume 53)
Publishers Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
Peter Halfpenny, 1982
This book is copyright under the Berne Convention. No reproduction without permission. All rights reserved.
George Allen & Unwin (Publishers) Ltd,
40 Museum Street, London WC1A 1LU, UK
George Allen & Unwin (Publishers) Ltd,
Park Lane, Hemel Hempstead, Herts HP2 4TE, UK
Allen & Unwin, Inc.,
9 Winchester Terrace, Winchester, Mass. 01890, USA
George Allen & Unwin Australia Pty Ltd,
8 Napier Street, North Sydney, NSW 2060, Australia
First published in 1982

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Halfpenny, Peter.
Positivism and sociology.
(Constroversies in sociology ; 13)
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. SociologyHistory. 2. Positivism. 3. SociologyMethodology.
I. Title. II. Series.
HM19.H18 1982 301 8211558
ISBN 0043000843
ISBN 0043000851 (pbk.)

Set in 11 on 12 point Times by Typesetters (Birmingham) Ltd and printed in Great Britain
by Billing & Sons Ltd, London and Worcester
Contents
I have learned much from Isabel Emmett, Len Gill, Keekok Imber, Richard Whitley, Philippe Van Parijs and especially Daphne Taylorson, who all read and offered me comments on the draft, and I thank them for their time and interest. I am grateful too to Tom Bottomore and Mike Mulkay for their encouragement and advice, and to Jeanne Ashton, Tricia Pygott, Janice Hammond and Hilary Thornber for their excellent typing.
Controversy over positivism begins immediately positivism is used, for there are so many different understandings about how the term can or should be used. There are differences that depend upon whether the term is used to label oneself or ones enemies, for the positivism of positivists differs from the positivism of anti-positivists. There are differences among anti-positivists, who use the term loosely and indiscriminately to describe all sorts of disfavoured forms of inquiry. And there are differences even among positivists themselves, for they have continually developed and changed the central ideas out of which they have fashioned various forms of positivism at different historical times.
In sociology, allegiances to or accusations of positivism are made in a wealth of different ways. Sometimes, to be positivist means no more than to be scientific in some undisclosed manner, although that fails to discriminate between positivism and all the other sociologies that have claims to be scientific in perhaps different ways, such as Marxism, functionalism, structuralism, and so on. Sometimes, positivist sociology is synonymous with statistical analysis, as in many sociological research reports and methods textbooks. Sometimes, to practise positivist sociology is to seek to establish causal explanations, or to search for fundamental laws of human behaviour or historical change, or to insist upon objective empirical information systematically organised to generate or test hypotheses.
The existence of these diverse understandings of positivism, among others, reveals that the issue of what positivism is, and was, remains controversial. It is with this controversy that most of the following pages are concerned. My principal aim is to identify some of the most important uses of the term positivism, and to describe some of the different positivisms that have emerged at different times since the mid-nineteenth century. Only when different understandings of positivism have been systematically elucidated and evaluated can other related controversies be joined, such as whether and in what sense positivism is dead or alive, and whether the enormous influence of various forms of positivism over sociology has been beneficial or malign.
My discussion takes the following form. In considers changes in positivist conceptions both of what constitutes evidence the empirical base of science and of how theory is built upon or otherwise related to this base. In the Conclusion I reflect upon the different understandings of the term positivism identified in the previous chapters, and conclude with some remarks about current debates among philosophers of the natural and social sciences, and about contemporary responses to controversies over positivism in sociology.
The name positivist philosophy was originally coined by the Parisian Auguste Comte (17981857) to describe his systematic reconstruction of the history and development of scientific knowledge. His ideas were initially sketched out in essays (1822, 1824), and then presented comprehensively in a series of lectures, the Cours de philosophie positive, begun in 1826 and completed in 1829, and then published in six volumes over the years 1830 to 1842. Positivist knowledge, Comte maintained, was the inevitable outcome both of the progressive growth of the individual mind and of the historical development of human knowledge. Comte believed that in his extensive reading over the whole range of scientific disciplines he had discovered a great and fundamental historical law, his famous law of three stages. According to this law, individual thinkers in all branches of knowledge necessarily begin by accounting for phenomena theologically, by explaining mundane occurrences as willed by unfathomable gods. This is the necessary starting point of all knowledge for two reasons. First, without some theoretical guide one could not begin to make systematic observations (for there would be no way of discriminating between important or theory-relevant observations and unimportant ones), and it is, according to Comte, theological theories which arise spontaneously in the primitive human mind. Secondly, sciences in their infancy research the most intractable questions, about the essences of phenomena and their ultimate origins and destinies, to which theological answers are most appropriate.
Theology provides the attractive chimera that excites curiosity and stimulates intellectual inquiry, but this first stage of knowledge is inevitably followed by the second, metaphysical stage, where it is not spiritual agents but abstract forces, powers and essences that are posited as responsible for worldly affairs. This second stage is a necessary transitional interlude, a period of negative criticism of the first theological epoch, before the appearance of the third and final positive or scientific era. Here, unresolvable issues about ultimate origins, inaccessible powers and final purposes are relinquished in favour of the more limited but attainable end of describing relations observed to hold between phenomena. The fundamental character of the positive philosophy is to consider all phenomena as subject to invariable natural laws. The exact discovery of these laws and their reduction to the least possible number constitutes the goal of all our efforts (Comte, 1830, p. 8). The Newtonian law of gravitation is, for Comte, the paradigm case of a positive law. It provides the standard against which to measure the maturity of all fields of inquiry, and the ideal they should seek to emulate.
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