Noam Chomsky - The Essential Chomsky
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For the past forty years Noam Chomskys writings on politics and language have established him as a preeminent public intellectual and as one of the most original and wide-ranging political and social critics of our time. Among the seminal figures in linguistic theory over the past century, since the 1960s Chomsky has also secured a place as perhaps the leading dissident voice in the United States. Chomskys many bestselling works-including Manufacturing Consent, Hegemony or Survival, Understanding Power, and Failed States-have served as essential touchstones for dissidents, activists, scholars, and concerned citizens on subjects ranging from the media to human rights to intellectual freedom. In particular, Chomskys scathing critiques of the U.S. wars in Vietnam, Central America, and the Middle East have furnished a widely accepted intellectual inspiration for antiwar movements over nearly four decades. The Essential Chomsky assembles the core of his most important writings, including excerpts from his most influential texts over the past forty years. Here is an unprecedented, comprehensive overview of Chomskys thought. Read more...
Abstract: For the past forty years Noam Chomskys writings on politics and language have established him as a preeminent public intellectual and as one of the most original and wide-ranging political and social critics of our time. Among the seminal figures in linguistic theory over the past century, since the 1960s Chomsky has also secured a place as perhaps the leading dissident voice in the United States. Chomskys many bestselling works-including Manufacturing Consent, Hegemony or Survival, Understanding Power, and Failed States-have served as essential touchstones for dissidents, activists, scholars, and concerned citizens on subjects ranging from the media to human rights to intellectual freedom. In particular, Chomskys scathing critiques of the U.S. wars in Vietnam, Central America, and the Middle East have furnished a widely accepted intellectual inspiration for antiwar movements over nearly four decades. The Essential Chomsky assembles the core of his most important writings, including excerpts from his most influential texts over the past forty years. Here is an unprecedented, comprehensive overview of Chomskys thought
Abstract: For the past forty years Noam Chomskys writings on politics and language have established him as a preeminent public intellectual and as one of the most original and wide-ranging political and social critics of our time. Among the seminal figures in linguistic theory over the past century, since the 1960s Chomsky has also secured a place as perhaps the leading dissident voice in the United States. Chomskys many bestselling works-including Manufacturing Consent, Hegemony or Survival, Understanding Power, and Failed States-have served as essential touchstones for dissidents, activists, scholars, and concerned citizens on subjects ranging from the media to human rights to intellectual freedom. In particular, Chomskys scathing critiques of the U.S. wars in Vietnam, Central America, and the Middle East have furnished a widely accepted intellectual inspiration for antiwar movements over nearly four decades. The Essential Chomsky assembles the core of his most important writings, including excerpts from his most influential texts over the past forty years. Here is an unprecedented, comprehensive overview of Chomskys thought
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Table of Contents
OTHER BOOKS IN THE NEW PRESS ESSENTIAL SERIES
The Essential Gunnar Myrdal
The Essential Foucault
The Essential E. P. Thompson
The Essential Wallerstein
The Essential Foucault
The Essential E. P. Thompson
The Essential Wallerstein
Foreword
From his early essays in the liberal intellectual journal the New York Review of Books to his most recent books Hegemony or Survival, Failed States, and Interventions, Noam Chomsky has produced a singular body of political criticism.
Since 1969, Chomsky has produced a series of books on U.S. foreign policy in Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, all while maintaining his commitments to linguistics research, philosophy, and to teaching. And throughout, he has consistently lent his support to movements and organizations involved in efforts for social change, continuing a tradition of intellectual and active social engagement he developed early in his youth.
Avram Noam Chomsky was born in Philadelphia on December 7, 1928, and raised among Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. His father, William Chomsky, fled from Russia in 1913 to escape conscription into the Tsarist army. His mother, Elsie Simonofsky, left Eastern Europe when she was one. Chomsky grew up during the Depression and the international rise of the fascist threat. As he later recalled, Some of my earliest memories, which are very vivid, are of people selling rags at our door, of violent police strikebreaking, and other Depression scenes. Chomsky was imbued at an early age with a sense of class solidarity and struggle. While his parents were, as he puts it, normal Roosevelt Democrats, he had aunts and uncles who were garment workers in the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, communists, Trotskyists, and anarchists. As a child, Chomsky was influenced by the radical Jewish intellectual culture in New York City, where he regularly visited newsstands and bookstores with anarchist literature. According to Chomsky, this was a working class culture with working class values, solidarity, socialist values.
After having almost dropped out of the University of Pennsylvania, where he had enrolled as an undergraduate when he was sixteen, Chomsky found intellectual and political stimulation from linguist Zellig Harris. Chomsky gravitated toward the unusual intellectual milieu around Harris. Harris taught seminars on linguistics that involved philosophical debates, reading, and independent research outside the standard constraints of the university structure. Chomsky began graduate work with Harris and, in 1951, joined Harvards Society of Fellows, where he continued his research into linguistics. By 1953, Chomsky had broken almost entirely from the field as it existed, and set down a path that would lead him to reexamine the rich insights of the seventeenth-century linguistics of the Port-Royal school and the French philosopher Ren Descartes, and the later work of the Prussian philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt, on the creative aspect of language use. Though Chomsky would at times downplay or deny the connection, his political and linguistic work have both built on the philosophical tradition that he has traced back from contemporary strains of anarchism through classical liberalism to the Enlightenment and the early rationalists of the seventeenth century.
While Chomsky, who joined the faculty of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1955 at the age of twenty-six, received tremendous early recognition for his linguistic work, he began to make a wider political mark when he started writing long, detailed essays denouncing the war and the role of mainstream intellectuals who supported it for the New York Review of Books and then for left journals such as Liberation, Ramparts, New Politics, and Socialist Revolution (later Socialist Review). These essays brilliantly documented and condemned the actions of the U.S. government in Indochina and connected the war effort to the history of U.S. imperialism more generally. Chomsky became one of the most important and respected critics of the U.S. war effort, earning a place on President Nixons infamous enemies list. From this point on, he was the subject of intense vilification by various apologists for the system, much as he would later be subjected to repeated attacks for his critical writings on Israel. In these early essays, we see Chomsky developing the basic themes of his best work: rigorously detailed analyses of U.S. planning documents, declassified records, official statements, and hard-to-find sources; merciless critique of liberals, establishment intellectuals, and media commentators who provided a cover for U.S. imperialism; and an analysis that showed that the war in Vietnam was not the result of mistakes, honest misunderstanding, attempts to do good gone awry, or of incompetent officials who could just be replaced by better ones. Rather, the war against Indochina was a product of systematic, deeply rooted features of the capitalist state.
Not just an intellectual critic of the war against the people of Indochina, he participated in direct action to back up his beliefs. Chomsky took part in early tax resistance efforts in early 1965 and one of the first public protests against the war, in Boston in October 1965, at which protesters were outnumbered by counterdemonstrators and police, and became an important day-to-day organizer in the movement. These commitments extended well beyond Vietnam to involvement in the Central American solidarity movement, protest against the 1991 and 2003 U.S. interventions in Iraq, and much more. Chomsky has continued to speak out, write, give interviews, sign petitions, and reach out individually wherever he has felt he might be able to make a difference. And yet, he has also maintained his passionate engagement with his students and others in the field of linguistics, an area where he has continued to challenge and revise his own theories and work.
People around the world take inspiration from Chomskys example, and rightly so. He reminds a world that sees the United States through the lens of Fox News or that primarily knows the United States through its blunt instruments of foreign control that the people of the country have far different values and ideals than its political elite. He speaks within a vital but often neglected tradition of dissent and from a standpoint of solidarity with people around the world who are engaged in struggles for justice and social change. On his trips to countries such as Colombia and Nicaragua, usually with his lifetime partner Carol Chomsky, he travels more to learn from the struggles of others than to teach or instruct, but his words still carry the immense power that criticism and analysis at its best can exemplify: the power of people to understand the world in order to better understand how to change it.
Anthony Arnove
A Review of B. F. Skinners Verbal Behavior
Verbal Behavior. By B. F. SKINNER. (The Century Psychology Series.) Pp. viii, 478. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957.
1. A great many linguists and philosophers concerned with language have expressed the hope that their studies might ultimately be embedded in a framework provided by behaviorist psychology, and that refractory areas of investigation, particularly those in which meaning is involved, will in this way be opened up to fruitful exploration. Since this volume is the first large-scale attempt to incorporate the major aspects of linguistic behavior within a behaviorist framework, it merits and will undoubtedly receive careful attention. Skinner is noted for his contributions to the study of animal behavior. The book under review is the product of study of linguistic behavior extending over more than twenty years. Earlier versions of it have been fairly widely circulated, and there are quite a few references in the psychological literature to its major ideas.
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