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Copyright James Walvin 2013
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Introduction:
A Different Perspective
T oday, the story of slavery in the Americas is a subject of enormous scholarly and popular curiosity on both sides of the Atlantic, generating an astonishing wealth of writing and media attention. The different slave systems which evolved across the Americas were all made possible by the enforced transportation of millions of Africans in an armada of Atlantic slave ships, and in conditions of pestilential horror, to populate and to work key areas of the colonial Americas. The numbers involved are astonishing: 12 million plus loaded onto the slave ships; 11 million plus surviving to landfall. Until the 1820s the number of Africans who had crossed the Atlantic greatly exceeded the emigrant Europeans settling in the Americas. The results of that enslaved labour more especially the tobacco, rice, sugar, cotton and other crops that it produced substantially transformed the habits and the economies of the Western world. The consequences for Africa, however, were altogether more ruinous.
All the major European maritime nations were involved in Atlantic slavery. So too were the emergent new powers and states in the Americas, notably the British North American colonies, later the USA, and Brazil. Together they created a system which prevailed from the sixteenth century and went effectively unchallenged for three centuries. Then, in the course of the nineteenth century, there was a dramatic change of heart. The British ended their slave trade in 1807, the Americans in 1808. Thereafter the scene was set for a fluctuating struggle to free the slaves. It was to take fifty years, from full British emancipation in 1838 to the final act of emancipation in Brazil in 1888. Thus, long after the British and the Americans had abolished their oceanic trade in African slaves, slavery remained a profitable, but deeply troubling, presence in the Americas, notably in the USA and Brazil.
In the space of a century, the nations which had perfected both the Atlantic slave trade, and the various American slave systems, turned their back on both. What had once been considered economically vital and morally neutral was, by 1888, universally damned as uneconomic and morally repugnant. Yet why was slavery such an anathema in 1888 but not in 1788 (or 1588)?
Throughout this shift slow-moving and often hesitant the British were major (and often the dominant) players, first as slave traders, then as abolitionists. Indeed perhaps the most perplexing issue of all in this story is how Britain, the great slave-trading power of the eighteenth century, became the pre-eminent force for abolition in the nineteenth century.
What follows is an attempt to explain the rise and fall of this slave system. Throughout, I have been at pains to stress the role of the Africans themselves, too often viewed merely as victims, with little role or agency in the entire story of enslavement and freedom. Africans were central in ways that are not often considered. First, it has been estimated that about 90 per cent of the people entering the Atlantic slave ships had been acquired through commercial transactions with African traders. Moreover, the story that followed, on the Atlantic ships and especially in the colonial settlements of the Americas, was shaped not simply by what slave traders and slave owners wanted, but by how the African victims reacted to their enslaved conditions. The story of slavery in the Americas is the story of Africans and their descendants coping with and resisting the enslavement that trapped them.
It is an astonishing story, and it becomes more remarkable the more we learn about it. But this was not always apparent, even to professional historians. It is really only in the past forty years that Atlantic slavery has become a subject of widespread academic and popular interest: a major topic in undergraduate and graduate history teaching and a subject which regularly appears in the media and public debate.helped to transform the face of all three continents. The millions of people removed from Africa toiled to tap the fruitful environment of the tropical and semi-tropical Americas, and all for the economic betterment of Europe. Many key features of the modern world which we now take for granted (the human face of the Americas, the food-ways of the world, the questions of lingering poverty across swathes of sub-Saharan Africa all these and many more) have historical roots which take us back to the story of slavery and the Atlantic slave trade. It is a story which we can now discuss with great precision, thanks largely to the extraordinary Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. This dusty-sounding title is in fact a dazzling piece of historical research and reconstruction (and is itself an example of some of the major transformations in the study of history at large in recent years). Along with all other scholars in the field, I am greatly indebted to the historians behind that project, and this book has emerged in large part via the evidence embedded in that database.
The commemorations of the bicentenary of the abolition of the British slave trade in 2007 left a number of serious historical questions unanswered. First, and most complex, why did Britain, the nation which had come to dominate the North Atlantic slave trade by, say 1783, turn its back on that trade within a mere generation? Even more puzzling perhaps is the fact, which has become clearer with subsequent scholarship, that the Atlantic slave trade did not end in 1807. The last Africans stepped ashore from a slave ship (in Cuba) in 1866. What was so important about the British abolition of the slave trade in 1807, and the American in 1808, if, by other means, Africans