Copyright 2016 by the Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation.
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher, except for brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other non-commercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, contact the publisher.
P.O. Box 100563
FOREWORD
By Fran Griffin
In reading this wonderfully brilliant book by my dear late friend and colleague Sam Francis, I am grateful that Washington Summit Publishers has provided a venue for a thorough exposition of Sams political philosophy. It is a thoughtful book that repays careful reading. I applaud the extraordinary efforts of Jerry Woodruff, Bill Regnery, Richard Spencer, F. Roger Devlin, and everyone involved in unearthing and publishing this manuscript of Sams. And I commend especially Paul Gottfried for his Afterword, which explains so well Sams thinking.
As Dr. Gottfried points out, this tome is far different than the fiery and spirited columns and editorials that Sam wrote. To add a light note to the heavy subject matter contained in this book, it is my pleasant task to tell you a little more about Sam details that are not in his standard biographical sketch.
I was a close friend of Sams for some 30 years. During that time, my organization, Griffin Internet Syndicate, was his syndicator (in between his stints with Tribune Media and Creators Syndicate). Also, I helped to arrange for the Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation to publish the first posthumous collection of his work, Shots Fired: Sam Francis on Americas Culture War a collection of his columns, articles, and speeches.
I didnt know him when he was in high school, but even at that time, his writing ability had already been discovered. He won awards for poems and essays as a teenager. Later Sam became a serious scholar with two advanced degrees in modern British history. But alsoas his close friends knowhe had a mirthful, fun-loving disposition. He loved to turn a phrase, make us laugh, and crack jokes. He had a droll, caustic wit.
Despite the fact that he was an engaging lecturer, a great researcher, and would have made a wonderful professor, Sam wanted to do what he loved bestwrite. His non-scholarly writing was delightfully witty and refreshing. I would be hard-pressed to name anyone who came even close to being the lively, fun-loving, and enjoyable companion that Sam was. He was a good dancer, he loved movies and theatre, and he relished good conversation. He thrived on communicating his often scintillating thoughts and perceptions. Despite what many saw as a reserved exterior, Sam had a loving and compassionate side that I was privileged to see and experience. He was, to those close to him, tender-hearted, warm, and kind.
Joe Sobran, who suffered a similar fate of being ostracized for not following the party line of neoconservatives and their underlings, described Sam as Gruffly good-humored, at once cynical and jolly, he was outspoken and restrained at the same time. His mind was both searching and skeptical.
In the accompanying photograph, Sam and I stand with Joe Sobran on December 4, 2004, in one of the last times I saw him before his untimely death two months later. We are on a dock, ready to board the Dandy cruise ship for the annual Sobrans newsletter gathering. Sam would deliver a wonderful talk that day titled Unpatriotic Neoconservatives. I believe this was Sams last speech.
Sam was a genteel, cultured man of the South. He had a classical education, being schooled in both Latin and Greek. His heart was always partly in Chattanooga, where he grew up, and visiting there for his funeral I could see why. People in his home town are hospitable, kind, generous, warm, and very Southern, just like Sam himself.
May this book bring his unique and groundbreaking thoughts to the prominence they deserve.
February 2016
INTRODUCTION
By Jerry Woodruff
The decision to publish this posthumously discovered draft manuscript by Samuel Francis was made only after considerable reflection and consultation with others, including Sams family. The decision did not come without reservations. But these were ultimately outweighed by the continuing relevance of Sams political thinking and his significant influence on the evolution of the modern American Right. The political theory developed in this manuscript is too important a contribution to remain unread.
After his death in 2005, Sams family generously gave me possession of Sams extensive files, consisting of two full-size filing cabinets, several portfolios, loose-leaf binders, and a box of 3.5-inch computer floppy disks from the early 1990s. Sam kept meticulous records, including many years worth of personal and professional correspondence, memos about conversations, a journal of notes on books he read, and complete copies of all his published articles, editorials, and newspaper columns.
In one of the portfolios, I discovered several files labeled with chapter numbers 1 through 15. As I looked through Chapter 1, I remembered having read it many years ago. Sam had given me copies of Chapters 1 and 2 years earlier over dinner one evening. He told me that he was working on what he called a reformulation and updating of James Burnhams theory of the managerial revolution. I remember discussing it with him, but as time went by, I forgot about the chapters, and Sam did not mention them again. Much to my surprise, this portfolio appeared to contain the completed manuscript of that project. Examining the box of floppy disks, I discovered one labeled in Sams handwriting, Leviathan and Its Enemies Complete. It was dated 3-27-95 and contained Word Perfect 5.1 text files that would become the contents of this book.
Readers familiar with Sams intellectual journey know that he was very much influenced by Burnham and other political theorists Burnham dubbed the Machiavellians, including Gaetano Mosca and Vilfredo Pareto. According to Sam, the designation meant that these were thinkers who, like Machiavelli,
were concerned with the problems of political powernot with how to justify power, nor with the external forms and appearances of power, but with how men actually use, pursue, attain, and lose power.
Sam was a thorough-going materialist and agreed with Burnham that rational social and political analysis of the behavior of elites could yield a science of power and expose the workings of history.
I believe this manuscript partly grew out of a desire to correct an intellectual deficiency Sam perceived on the Right. I remember discussing with Sam many times the American Rights apparent lack of curiosity about the socio-historical nature of its political circumstances. No one ever seems to wonder or explore why the Left is ascendant culturally and politically, while the Right (or at least the real Right) is consigned to the powerless fringe. The Right lacks a pathology to explain the power of its opponentsand shows no interest in finding one.