ALSO BY ANNE APPLEBAUM
Red Famine: Stalins War on Ukraine
Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 19441956
Gulag: A History
Between East and West: Across the Borderlands of Europe
Copyright 2020 by Anne Applebaum
All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Doubleday, a division of Penguin Random House LLC, New York.
www.doubleday.com
DOUBLEDAY and the portrayal of an anchor with a dolphin are registered trademarks of Penguin Random House LLC.
Portions of this book originally appeared in the following publications: A Warning from Europe: The Worst Is Yet to Come (October 2018) and The People in Charge See an Opportunity (March 23, 2020) first published in The Atlantic. Want to Build a Far-Right Movement? Spains Vox Party Shows How first published in The Washington Post (May 2, 2019).
Cover design by John Fontana
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Applebaum, Anne, 1964 author.
Title: Twilight of democracy : the seductive lure of authoritarianism / Anne Applebaum.
Description: First edition. | New York : Doubleday, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020012450 (print) | LCCN 2020012451 (ebook) | ISBN 9780385545808 (hardcover) | ISBN 9780385545815 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Authoritarianism. | Democracy. | Nationalist parties. | One-party systems. | World politics21st century.
Classification: LCC JC480 .A67 2020 (print) | LCC JC480 (ebook) | DDC 321.9dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020012450
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020012451
Ebook ISBN9780385545815
ep_prh_5.5.0_c0_r0
Our age is indeed the age of the intellectual organization of political hatreds. It will be one of its chief claims to notice in the moral history of humanity.
Julien Benda, La trahison des clercs, 1927
We must accept the fact that this kind of rebellion against modernity lies latent in Western societyits confused, fantastic program, its irrational and unpolitical rhetoric, embodies aspirations just as genuineas the aspirations in other and more familiar movements of reform.
Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair, 1961
Contents
I
New Years Eve
O N D ECEMBER 31, 1999, we threw a party. It was the end of one millennium and the start of a new one, and people very much wanted to celebrate, preferably somewhere exotic. Our party fulfilled that criterion. We held it at Chobielin, a small manor house in northwest Poland that my husband and his parents had purchased a decade earlierfor the price of the brickswhen it was a mildewed, uninhabitable ruin, unrenovated since the previous occupants fled the Red Army in 1945. We had restored the house, or most of it, though very slowly. It was not exactly finished in 1999, but it did have a new roof as well as a large, freshly painted, and completely unfurnished salon, perfect for a party.
The guests were various: journalist friends from London and Moscow, a few junior diplomats based in Warsaw, two friends who flew over from New York. But most of them were Poles, friends of ours and colleagues of my husband, Radek Sikorski, who was then a deputy foreign minister in a center-right Polish government. There were local friends, some of Radeks school friends, and a large group of cousins. A handful of youngish Polish journalists came toonone then particularly famousalong with a few civil servants and one or two very junior members of the government.
You could have lumped the majority of us, roughly, in the general category of what Poles call the rightthe conservatives, the anti-Communists. But at that moment in history, you might also have called most of us liberals. Free-market liberals, classical liberals, maybe Thatcherites. Even those who might have been less definite about the economics did believe in democracy, in the rule of law, in checks and balances, and in a Poland that was a member of NATO and on its way to joining the European Union (EU), a Poland that was an integrated part of modern Europe. In the 1990s, that was what being on the right meant.
As parties go, it was a little scrappy. There was no such thing as catering in rural Poland in the 1990s, so my mother-in-law and I made vats of beef stew and roasted beets. There were no hotels, either, so our hundred-odd guests stayed in local farmhouses or with friends in the nearby town. I kept a list of who was staying where, but a couple of people still wound up sleeping on the floor in the basement. Late in the evening we set off fireworkscheap ones, made in China, which had just become widely available and were probably extremely dangerous.
The musicon cassette tapes, made in an era before Spotifycreated the only serious cultural divide of the evening: the songs that my American friends remembered from college were not the same as the songs that the Poles remembered from college, so it was hard to get everybody to dance at the same time. At one point I went upstairs, learned that Boris Yeltsin had resigned, wrote a brief column for a British newspaper, then went back downstairs and had another glass of wine. At about three in the morning, one of the wackier Polish guests pulled a small pistol out of her handbag and shot blanks into the air out of sheer exuberance.
It was that kind of party. It lasted all night, continued into brunch the following afternoon, and was infused with the optimism I remember from that time. We had rebuilt our ruined house. Our friends were rebuilding the country. I have a particularly clear memory of a walk in the snowmaybe it was the day before the party, maybe the day afterwith a bilingual group, everybody chattering at once, English and Polish mingling and echoing through the birch forest. At that moment, when Poland was on the cusp of joining the West, it felt as if we were all on the same team. We agreed about democracy, about the road to prosperity, about the way things were going.
That moment has passed. Nearly two decades later, I would now cross the street to avoid some of the people who were at my New Years Eve party. They, in turn, would not only refuse to enter my house, they would be embarrassed to admit they had ever been there. In fact, about half the people who were at that party would no longer speak to the other half. The estrangements are political, not personal. Poland is now one of the most polarized societies in Europe, and we have found ourselves on opposite sides of a profound divide, one that runs through not only what used to be the Polish right but also the old Hungarian right, the Spanish right, the French right, the Italian right, and, with some differences, the British right and the American right, too.
Some of my New Years Eve guestsalong with me and my husbandcontinued to support the pro-European, pro-rule-of-law, pro-market center right. We remained in political parties that aligned, more or less, with European Christian Democrats, with the liberal parties of France and the Netherlands, and with the Republican Party of John McCain. Some of my guests consider themselves center-left. But others wound up in a different place. They now support a nativist party called Law and Justicea party that has moved dramatically away from the positions it held when it first briefly ran the government, from 2005 to 2007, and when it occupied the presidency (not the same thing in Poland) from 2005 to 2010.