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Thornton Anderson - Creating the Constitution: The Convention of 1787 and the First Congress

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Thornton Anderson Creating the Constitution: The Convention of 1787 and the First Congress
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    Creating the Constitution: The Convention of 1787 and the First Congress
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Creating the Constitution: The Convention of 1787 and the First Congress: summary, description and annotation

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Creating the Constitution presents a different interpretation of the Convention and the First Congress, derived largely from a close reading of Farrands Records and the Annals of Congress. Among its special features are a critical perspective on the Framers, an examination of Court Whig influence on the Federalists, the identification of a third groupthe state Federalistsbetween the nationalists and states righters, and a view of the First Congress as distorting the aims of the Convention.

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Creating the Constitution
Library of Congress
Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Anderson, Thornton, 1915
Creating the Constitution : the Convention of 1787 and the first Congress / Thornton Anderson.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-2710-0920-9
1. United StatesConstitutional history.
2. Federal governmentUnited StatesHistory.
3. United StatesPolitics and government17831809.
4. Constitutional conventionsUnited StatesHistory.
5. United States. Constitutional Convention (1787)
6. United States. Congress (1st: 17891791)
I. Title.
KF4541.A88 1993
342.730292dc20
[347.302292] 92-31502
CIP
Copyright 1993
The Pennsylvania State University
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Published by
The Pennsylvania State University Press,
Suite C, Barbara Building, University Park, PA 16802-1003
It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper for the first printing of all clothbound books. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.481984.
For my parents
Keturah Hogan Anderson
Thornton Hatfield Anderson
who taught me independence
CONTENTS
Target meeting date: 514
Quorum achieved (seven states): 525
Virginia Plan presented: 529
Report of the Committee of the Whole: 613
New Jersey Plan presented: 615
New Jersey Plan rejected: 619
Committee on representation elected: 72
Committee on representation reported: 75
[Jillsons first realignment (vote 156): 716]
Connecticut Compromise voted: 716
Committee of Detail elected: 724
Convention adjourned to await report: 726
Committee of Detail reported: 86
Committee on commerce and the slave trade appointed: 822
[Jillsons second realignment (vote 351): 823]
Committee on commerce and the slave trade reported: 824
Commerce and slave trade compromise voted: 825 to 829
Brearley Committee on postponed matters elected: 831
[Jillsons third realignment (vote 441): 93]
Brearley Committee made its main report: 94
Presidential election method voted: 95
Style Committee elected: 98
Style Committee reported: 912
Final approval of the Constitution: 917
BY STATE, FROM NORTH TO SOUTH, WITH THE QUORUM EACH STATE REQUIRED
Attendance
NEW HAMPSHIRE (2)
cNicholas Gilman7-23 to end
cJohn Langdon7-23 to end
MASSACHUSETTS (3)
ndcElbridge Gerry*5-29 to end
cNathaniel Gorham5-28 to end
cRufus King5-21 to end
nCaleb Strong5-28 to 8-17
CONNECTICUT (1)
ncOliver Ellsworth5-28 to 8-23
cWilliam Samuel Johnson6-2 to end
dcRoger Sherman5-30 to end
NEW YORK (2)
cAlexander Hamilton*5-18 to end
ncJohn Lansing, Jr.6-2 to 7-10
nRobert Yates5-18 to 7-10
NEW JERSEY (3)
David Brearley5-25 to end
cJonathan Dayton6-21 to end
ncWilliam Churchill Houston5-25 to 6-5
cWilliam Livingston*6-5 to end
William Paterson5-25 to 7-23
PENNSYLVANIA (4)
dcGeorge Clymer5-28 to end
cThomas Fitzsimons5-25 to end
dcBenjamin Franklin5-28 to end
cJared Ingersoll5-28 to end
cThomas Mifflin5-28 to end
cGouvemeur Morris*5-25 to end
dcRobert Morris5-25 to end
dcJames Wilson5-25 to end
DELAWARE (3)
Richard Bassett5-21 to end
cGunning Bedford, Jr.5-28 to end
Jacob Broom5-21 to end
cJohn Dickinson5-29 to 9-14
dcGeorge Read5-19 to end
MARYLAND (1)
cDaniel Carroll7-9 to end
cDaniel of St. Thomas Jenifer6-2 to end
cJames McHenry*5-28 to end
ncLuther Martin*6-9 to 9-3
ncJohn Francis Mercer8-6 to 8-17
VIRGINIA (3)
John Blair5-15 to end
nJames McClurg5-15 to 7-26
cJames Madison5-14 to end
nGeorge Mason5-17 to end
ncEdmund Randolph5-15 to end
cGeorge Washington5-14 to end
ndcGeorge Wythe5-15 to 6-4
NORTH CAROLINA (3)
cWilliam Blount*6-20 to end
nWilliam Richardson Davie5-23 to 8-12
nAlexander Martin5-25 to 8-17
cRichard Dobbs Spaight5-19 to end
cHugh Williamson5-25 to end
SOUTH CAROLINA (2)
cPierce Butler5-25 to end
cCharles Pinckney5-17 to end
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney5-25 to end
cJohn Rutledge5-17 to end
GEORGIA (2)
cAbraham Baldwin6-11 to end
cWilliam Few*5-19 to end
ncWilliam Houstoun6-1 to 7-26
ncWilliam Pierce5-31 to 6-30
c present or former member of Congress
d signer of the Declaration of Independence
n nonsigner of the Constitution (Gerry, Mason, and Randolph were present)
* Eight delegates had gaps in attendance: Blount 7-3 to 8-6; Few 6-30 to 8-6; Gerry 7-27 to 8-9; Hamilton 6-30 to 9-6, with occasional attendance; Livingston 7-3 to 7-19; L. Martin 7-27 to 8-12, except 8-6; McHenry 6-1 to 8-6; and G. Morris 5-31 to 6-30. The Convention did not meet 7-27 to 8-5, and ended 9-17-1787.
When, in The Social Contract, Rousseau confronted the possibility that the people, while willing the good, might not always be able to see the good, he reached back to ancient Greek and Roman traditions and suggested the Legislator, the extraordinary individual with sufficient wisdom to establish a system of laws and institutions that would enable a society to manage its affairs in peace and justice.
Our Founding Fathers were not much influenced by Rousseau, but they were faced with the same difficulty, not as a matter of theory but of practical experience: the people did not always see clearly, so republican governments sometimes did unjust things. Moreover, the existing institutional structure seemed to be failing in ways that brought republicanism itself into doubt. Could men, ordinary men, really govern themselves?
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