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The child who used multiple languages in his/her everyday life was still in a situation in the world known as sink or swim, which had characterized public education for immigrant children and adults since the early 1900s (Higham 1955; Berroll 1995; Pavlenko and Blackledge 2004). The child entered an all-English environment that made little room for the different languages and cultural experiences that the child brought to school. Educational and social statistics show that only some children succeeded in American life, while the majority failed schooling, even when learning the language and assimilating into the dominant culture (Perlmann 1990).
The period immediately following World War II was dominated by the Cold War and the competition with the then-Soviet Union as well as an internal shift in racial relations. The need to respond to the USSR military program and the launching of Sputnik into space in 1957 fueled the idea that the United States needed to effectively develop its own human resources and the notion that national defense required the development of foreign languages amongst the nations school children. During this era, poverty was put forth as the dominant explanatory variable of underachievement of certain groups of children as it was tied to patterns of English language use and parents socialization practices that disadvantaged children in school (1953 Puerto Rican study of New York [Morrison 1958]).
Oscar Lewis Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty (1959), Glazer and Moynihans (1963) Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negros, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italian, and Irish of New York City , and the 1966 Coleman Report (Coleman 1968) firmly reinscribed the culture of the home and poverty as the main explanatory variables for school achievement. These studies were significant in shaping federal program responses, such as the Economic Opportunities Act of 1964 and Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, established to provide compensatory economic and educational services for those living in poverty. By extension, educational solutions focused on alleviating the deficits in the home through compensatory programs. While race, ethnicity, and language were integrally interwoven with poverty, these factors were viewed as subordinate and merely implicated.
Conceptualizing Bi/Multilingualism (Language, Mind, and Society)
Behaviorist conceptualizations of language and language acquisition came under severe critique during this period and were replaced by cognitive views of language development. Chomskys work stressed the internal, innate mechanisms of language acquisition (Mitchell and Myles 1998). With his framework (and influenced by earlier work by De Saussure), it was an idealized, native speaker whose competence (idealized grammar) rather than performance (actual use of the language) stood at the center of linguistic research. Influenced by these cognitive approaches to language and language acquisition, bilingualism was viewed as a characteristic of the individual. Bilinguals were individuals acquiring two monolingual systems and bilingual acquisition was researched as the systematic and separate development of specific linguistic features of each language system. Early scholarly works on multilingualism used only one term for both bilingualism and multilingualism (Haugen 1970; Weinrich 1953).
The centrality of the native-speaker, monolingual norm, as an integral part of the definition of bilingualism, was particularly evident in the treatment of and attitudes toward code-switchingthat is, the use of both languages within or between sentences. Code-switching was considered an indicator of immaturity of both linguistic systems. In schools, bilingual children who simultaneously used both languages were seen as being linguistically confused and, possibly, cognitively delayed.
In a similar vein, cultures were viewed as belonging to unique, bounded groups from exotic lands whose means of communication was not English. It was assumed that there was a one-toone relationship between language choice and national identity. Having one standard or national language was a precondition for political, social, and economic cohesion and national identity. In the United States, speaking English and giving up the language of your home country within three generations continued as a key marker of successful assimilation for immigrants (Hawley 1948; Jaffe 1954; Handlin 1959).
Conceptualizing Diversity Through Assimilation
As the one-way nature of (im)migration shifted, the traditional intergenerational pattern of language shift was challenged. Research focus on language use across generations was directly associated with the need to explain the persistence of Spanish-speaking groups, particularly, as in the southwest or on the east coast they appeared to retain their mother tongue beyond the third generation. Lopez and Staton-Salazar (2001) proposed that what was happening was that because a large number of Mexicano immigrants arrived during the Mexican Revolution of the 1910, by the 1960s a third generation was coming of age. In California alone, only 20% of the Latino state population at the time was foreign-born, and two thirds of the population was school-age children. Cuban refugees also raised the need for language maintenance in education, giving rise to the establishment of the first two-way bilingual program, as they had hopes of returning to their home-land someday. Samora (1962) and Sanchez (1962) proposed that language, race, poverty, and annexation were complicating factors related to assimilation. Another perspective was represented by Fishmans Language Loyalty: Its Functions and Concomitants in Two Bilingual Communities (1964), which proposed that language maintenance was a sign of identity and resistance (Blanton 2012).