Dan T. Carter - From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History)
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From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History)
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A historian traces the role of right-wing reaction to the civil rights movement in Republican politics beginning with George Wallaces entrance on the national scene, arguing that conservatives still exploit racism for political gain. UP.
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From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich : Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History
author
:
Carter, Dan T.
publisher
:
Louisiana State University Press
isbn10 | asin
:
0807121185
print isbn13
:
9780807121184
ebook isbn13
:
9780585300016
language
:
English
subject
United States--Race relations, United States--Politics and government--1945-1989, United States--Politics and government--1989- , Conservatism--United States--History--20th century.
publication date
:
1996
lcc
:
E185.625.C37 1996eb
ddc
:
305.8/00973
subject
:
United States--Race relations, United States--Politics and government--1945-1989, United States--Politics and government--1989- , Conservatism--United States--History--20th century.
Page i
From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich
Page iii
The Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History Louisiana State University
Page v
From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich
Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 19631994
Dan T. Carter
Page vi
Copyright 1996 by Louisiana State University Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing 05 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96 5 4 3 2 1
Designer: Amanda McDonald Key Typeface: Times Roman Typesetter: Impressions Book and Journal Services, Inc. Printer and binder: Thomson-Shore, Inc.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Carter, Dan T. From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: race in the conservative counterrevolution, 19631994/Dan T. Carter. p. cm.(The Walter Lynwood Fleming lectures in southern history) Includes index. ISBN 0-8071-2118-5 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. United StatesRace relations. 2. United StatesPolitics and government19451989. 3. United StatesPolitics and government1989- 4. ConservatismUnited StatesHistory20th century. I. Title. II. Series. E185.625.C37 1996 305.8'00973dc20 96-28201 CIP
The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.
Page vii
To George Brown Tindall
Page ix
Contents
Preface
xi
1 The Politics of Anger
1
2 The Politics of Accommodation
24
3 The Politics of Symbols
55
4 The Politics of Righteousness
87
Index
125
Page xi
Preface
In early 1963, the Harris County, Texas, Republican Party elected as its chairman the youthful president and chief executive officer of Zapata Off-Shore Oil Company. George Bush, son of the wealthy and patrician Republican senator Prescott Bush Jr. of Connecticut, had made his fortune in the Texas business community; he next intended to make his mark in politics. In September of that year, he decided to run for the United States Senate seat held by Texas Democrat Ralph Yarborough.
It was an audacious more for a thirty-eight-year-old businessman who had never held elective office, but Yarborough's liberal voting recordspecifically his decision to support the civil rights legislation introduced by President John Kennedy in June of 1963made him vulnerable. Bush had staked out a position as a moderate and had welcomed blacks into the ranks of the Texas Republican Party, but on the day he announced his candidacy, he told the crowd of newsmen and supporters he would be "emphatically opposed" to the Kennedy civil rights legislation, particularly its provisions guaranteeing blacks equal access to restaurants, hotels, restrooms, and other public accommodations. What counted was a "person's heart in the civil rights quest," he said. Legal coercion was counterproductive.1
As the 1964 campaign accelerated, Bush watched the progress of Alabama's George Wallace. In March of that year, Wallace had entered the Wisconsin Democratic presidential primary in what seemed a bizarre venture for a Deep South governor already typecast by the media as a race-baiting Dixie demagogue. Although he insisted that his was a campaign to maintain constitutional principles, no one who knew Wallace's history
1. Dallas Morning News, September 12, 1963; San Antonio Express, September 12, 1963; Houston Chronicle, September 12, 1963.
Page xii
or listened to his slashing attacks on the Kennedy/Johnson civil rights proposals ever doubted the centrality of race in his appeal to voters.
Wisconsin's Catholic hierarchy and the entire Protestant religious establishment, the state's Democratic Party, and organized labor condemned Wallace as a bigot and an "apostle of discord." Three weeks before the election, Wisconsin's governor predicted the southerner would not receive 10 percent of the primary vote. On election day, however, 34 percent of the voters chose Wallace. Three weeks later in Indiana, with two Ku Klux Klansmen coordinating the Wallace campaign out of the phone booth of a filling station, the Alabamian took 30 percent of the primary vote. In Maryland he claimed 43 percent andas he always darkly suggested afterward"that was with them countin' the votes."2
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