Agustín Laje Arrigoni - The Black Book of the New Left: Gender ideology or cultural subversion

THE BLACK BOOK OF THE NEW LEFT GENDER IDEOLOGY OR CULTURAL SUBVERSION Nicols Mrquez | Agustn Laje Nicols Marquz, Agustn Laje THE BLACK BOOK OF THE NEW LEFT Translated from Spanish by: Leandro Gabrielli Dinko Zambrano Graphic Design by: Roxana Bergonzi Final Book Edition by: Alexander Trujillo Index Acknowledgement Introduction PART I Post Marxism and Radical Feminism by Agustn Laje Chapter 1 From Marxism to post-Marxism Marx and Engels The Russian exception and the hegemony The theoretical Revolution of Antonio Gramsci The post-Marxism of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe The thinkers of the socialism of the 21st Century Chapter 2 Feminism and gender ideology The First-wave feminism The Second-wave feminism The feminism of real socialism The Third-wave feminism The queer ideology Dr. Money, the boy without penis and some scientific considerations 109 Women and capitalism From theory to practice Brief final comment PART II Cultural homosexuality by Nicols Mrquez Chapter 1 Comunism and sodomy Marxist "homophobia" From extermination to proselytizing use New and eternal alliance? Chapter 2 The thinkers of perversion The first generation The patriarch The poisoned inheritance Chapter 3 The psycho-political battle Dialogue as a persuasion trap By reason or by force The homosexual "marriage" Homosexual adoption Chapter 4 The filicide confederation Preliminary warning The head question Science over ideological nonsense The progressist almanac The favorite reproductive health methods of right humanism The abortionist sentimentality Chapter 5 The homosexual autodestruction Nature of sexual relationships AIDS and autodestruction The autodestruction beyond AIDS Homosexuality as a communist flag Chapter 6 Final Comment Bibliography Acknowledgement When one writes a book, thankfulness often becomes an act of injustice because it is really difficult to cover all the people who, in one way or another, helped in any of the processes involved in the work: research, writing and/or publication. However, and assuming the risk of falling into that injustice, we do not want to stop using this brief space to thank in particular: Dr. Gerardo Palacio Hardy, Dr. Bernardino Montejano, Dr. Roberto Castellano, Professor Cristin Rodrigo Iturralde, Lic in Psychology Andrs Irasuste, Graduate in Economics Ivn Carrino, Professor Cris-tian Rodrguez Iglesias, Dr.

Mario Caponnetto and Fernando Romero (Philosophy Area of the FREE Study Center). Finally, thanks to the contributions in the correction provided by Mara Jos Montenegro in Part II of the book. Introduction Finishing the 80s, the Soviet Empire was reeling with a heartfelt concern, the tyrannous and owner of the Communist Cuba Fidel Castro, anticipating the potential implosion of his Moscovite sponsor 26 July, 1989 in public speech, said the following: If tomorrow or any other day, we woke up to the news that a civil war of the USSR has been created, or even woke up to the news that the USSR has been disintegrated, something that we hope that never happens, even under those circumstances, Cuba and the cuban revolution would continue fighting and resisting1. The loquacious tyrant didnt have a bad sense of smell, as four months later the Berlin Wall fell and that historical proclaim of him was an opening statement along with the, by then, young Trotskyist Ignacio Lula Da Silva (leader of the Workers Party that enshrined President of Brazil in 2002) manufacture as a parallel or supplementary structure in view of the evident agony of the Russian Imperialism: we are talking about the Marxist conclave known as Foro de So Paulo, created in 1990, in the same city of So Paulo. Originally, the mentioned Forum was attended by 68 political forces belonging to 22 latin-american countries. Since then, the above indicated confraternity met regularly and barely 6 years after its foundation (in 1996 in the city of San Salvador), this revolutionary assembly was already integrated by 52 organization members, including criminal structures, like the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces(FARC)2 1 www.orvex.org.

Hugo Chvez, Latinoamrica y el Foro de Sao Paulo. Watch film in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gSOhGQLrgJk 2 Pea Esclusa, Alejandro. El Foro de Sao Paulo. Una amenaza continental. Colombia, Grijaldo Editorial, 2010, p. 8NICOLS MRQUEZ | AGUSTIN LAJE being this last gang the main global producer of cocaine: 600 annual metric tons3, and that is the reason why with such extraordinary income, the mentioned organization contributed with huge resources to boost the new transnational conspiracy. 8NICOLS MRQUEZ | AGUSTIN LAJE being this last gang the main global producer of cocaine: 600 annual metric tons3, and that is the reason why with such extraordinary income, the mentioned organization contributed with huge resources to boost the new transnational conspiracy.

Since then, the mentioned Forum and organizations have been recruiting, updating and recycling the whole regional left, through calculated political and ideological sessions that researched, and still search busily to give new impulses to old ideas. In fact, the beginning of the 90s was key for the reconversion and reinvention of an ideology that could no longer show the Hammer and Sickle, nor offer an expropriation of large states, nor agrarian reforms, nor wandering about capital interests, nor seducing potential clients with the hackneyed classfights. Nothing about this speech seemed attractive to the Western public opinion, and it tasted like naphthalene. But there is a year in the beginning of this convulsed and rarefied decade that seemed to point a un vertiginous turning point: 1992. It was by then when a kind of strange, new and apparently unrelated movements started to arise in different parts of the world in general and particularly in Latin America. 3 Las FARC y el medio ambiente. 26/01/2015. 26/01/2015.

Watch full essay in the next link: http://www.eldiariohoy.com/lasfarcyelmedioambiente/ 4 Svampa, Maristella; Stefanoni, Pablo; Fornillo, Bruno. El laboratorio boliviano: cambios, tensiones y ambivalencias del gobierno de Evo Morales. In: Debatir Bolivia, Perspectivas de un proyecto de descolonizacin, Buenos Aires, Ed.Taurus, 2010, p. 67/8. 5 Stefanoni-Herve Do Alto, Pablo . La Revolucin de Evo Morales: de la coca alPalacio.

Coleccin Claves Para Todos, Capital Intelectual Editorial, 2006, p. 45. 6 Although there was in 1990 a first antecedent of an indigenist walk led by Asencio Teco (on August 15 from the department of Beni to the city of La Paz), it was in 1992 when it became widespread and made it official gathering activists from East and West of Bolivia. 7 By 1988 Evo Morales had already been elected as executive secretary of the Cochabamba Tropical Federation THE BLACK BOOK OF THE NEW LEFT A little further south, in the democratic Argentina of 1992, it showed up in scene the First Gay pride march8, encouraged in part by the growing radical feminism of lesbo-Marxist inspiration, which for months had been influencing worldwide after the publication of the book The disputed gender: Feminism and the subversion of identity 9 by Judith Butler, text that was embraced since then as the bible by all the promoting movements of the gender ideology. Meanwhile, also in 1992 but in the colorful city of Rio de Janeiro, the sessions of the popular ecology took place, that emerged with 1500 organizations from all over the world, met to debate and redefine the strategy, including the claim of the so called ecological debt10. And it was exactly in that year that in Venezuela, a talkative colonel of unknown ideology named Hugo Chvez Fras, led two coup attempts11, which was not only about pretending to kill the President Carlos Andrs Prez, but the insurgents killed 20 compatriots12.