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David Sacks - The diversity myth: multiculturalism and the politics of intolerance on campus

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David Sacks The diversity myth: multiculturalism and the politics of intolerance on campus
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This is a powerful exploration of the debilitating impact that politically correct multiculturalism has had upon higher education and academic freedom in the United States. In the name of diversity, many leading academic and cultural institutions are working to silence dissent and stifle intellectual life. This book exposes the real impact of multiculturalism on the institution most closely identified with the politically correct decline of higher educationStanford University. Authored by two Stanford graduates, this book is a compelling insiders tour of a world of speech codes, dumbed-down admissions standards and curricula, campus witch hunts, and anti-Western zealotry that masquerades as legitimate scholarly inquiry. Sacks and Thiel use numerous primary sourcesthe Stanford Daily, class readings, official university publicationsto reveal a pattern of politicized classes, housing, budget priorities, and more. They trace the connections between...

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Acknowledgments

T he arduous research and labor necessary to document and then write this story began several years ago, and many people have been helpful and kind to us along the way. We will always be deeply indebted to these good samaritans for investing their confidence in two young authors.

Our odyssey began with the compilation of the numerous examples in this book, collected with the assistance of several generations of Stanford students, beginning with John Abbott, Greg Kennedy, and Kevin Warsh and continuing with Adam Ross, Michael Petras, Bob Schmidt, and Eric Jackson. Mention also should be made of the writers and editors of The Stanford Daily, The Stanford Review, and Stanford University News Servicewithout these primary sources of information, our job would have been made immeasurably more difficult.

At the writing and editing stage of this book, Neil Morganbesser, Brad Benbrook, Nathan Linn, John Harkins, Mary Gacek, and Keith and Mary Ann Eiler offered constructive comments to early drafts. Useful suggestions and guidance also came from Jennifer Caterini, Jerry Martin, John Miller, Raphael Sagalyn, Williamson Evers, John Reynen, Rich Lowry, Adam Meyerson, Mary Parker Lewis, Diana and Harold Furchtgott-Roth, Tom Duesterberg, Antony Korenstein, Mark Moller, Vincent Sollito, and Peter Uhlmann. Dr. Angelo Codevilla, a gentleman and a scholar, offered numerous suggestions and constant encouragement from beginning to end.

A special thanks goes to Keith Rabois and the other victims of multiculturalism interviewed for this book, who selflessly shared their special insights. Many others in the Stanford community also helped us but cannot be named for fear of repercussions.

Finally, at the publishing stage, we are particularly grateful to Independent Institute president David Theroux, and research director Robert Higgs who, in seeing the value of this book, sponsored its publication and provided invaluable assistance throughout. We are also grateful for the further assistance of Theresa Navarro and the rest of the professionals at the Institute, not only for setting words to paper but also for offering ideas, advice, and true dedication to this project. For those interested in exploring the further contours of the problem of higher education, we strongly recommend the Independent Institute's book, The Academy in Crisis: The Political Economy of Higher Education, edited by John W. Sommer (see ).

About the Authors

DAVID O. SACKS is a research fellow at The Independent Institute and a consultant at McKinsey & Company. He has worked as a legislative aide for U.S. Representative Christopher Cox and as a research assistant for judges Richard A. Posner and Robert H. Bork. During his time in Washington, National Journal identified Mr. Sacks as one of Capitol Hill's rising stars. He received his A.B. in economics from Stanford University, where he served as editor-in-chief of the weekly, The Stanford Review, and Campus, a national magazine. Subsequently, he earned his J.D. from the University of Chicago, where he was an Olin Fellow in Law and Economics and a member of the Law Review. He has appeared on PBS's Firing Line, regularly comments on the news for C-SPAN, and writes articles for The Wall Street Journal, as well as numerous other newspapers and public policy magazines.

PETER A. THIEL is a research fellow at the Independent Institute and heads up Thiel Capital International, LLC, a hedge fund based in Palo Alto, California. He received his A.B. in philosophy (1989) and J.D. (1992) from Stanford University, where he also was the founding editor of The Stanford Review. Mr. Thiel has written for The Wall Street Journal, and is a regular commentator on the PBS program Debates Debates and the C-SPAN show Washington Journal.

1 The West Rejected First Stanford capitulated to separatist know-nothings - photo 1
1
The West Rejected

First, Stanford capitulated to separatist know-nothings and abandoned its Western Civilization course because of its bias toward white males (you know: narrowminded ethnics like Socrates, Jesus, and Jefferson).

Columnist Charles Krauthammer

I n the beginning, before the creation of the multicultural world, Stanford was divided by demonstrations and protests. The most important of these rallies took place on January 15, 1987, when a throng of 500 indignant students and faculty gathered near the University's centrally located White Plaza to hear the Reverend Jesse Jackson.

This assembly was not concerned about founding a new multicultural state. In fact, the term multiculturalism had not yet entered common usage in early 1987, and most of the demonstrators probably had never heard of the word. Rather, the purpose of the rally was to show support for the rainbow agenda, for minority set-asides in admissions and teaching, and for other causes popular with university activists. In short, it began as the sort of protest commonplace on today's college campuses. But on that day, events would be set in motion that would push Stanford towards becoming the nation's first multicultural academy.

As the crowd stomped across the manicured lawns to present a list of demands to a meeting of the Faculty Senate, it translated its grievances into a chant: Hey hey, ho ho, Western Culture's got to go! Hey hey, ho ho, Western Culture's got to go!students at a bucolic college campus, near sunny Palo Alto, California, an affluent suburban community.

Even at the time, campus observers were struck by the strange spectacle of some of America's elite students and faculty engaged in an unqualified denunciation of the Westthe very civilization, after all, that had established universities like Stanford in the first place. Even Jesse Jackson, the leader of the march, was taken aback by the fury he had unleashed. Reverend Jackson actually tried to quiet the mob, but his admonitions were ignored. The angry chant could not be stoppedand would go on to become the unofficial motto of a revolution with implications far beyond Stanfordbecause it succinctly articulated exactly what important people in higher education had been saying for some time. Similar demonstrations followed in the tempestuous months ahead, and the slogan became synonymous with the university's growing identity crisis, as many of Stanford's leaders came to insist that the academy's mission needed a thorough overhaul.

The nominal target of these demonstrations and protests was Stanford's core curriculum, a required course called Western Culture in which freshmen surveyed the history and classics of the West. This course gave many studentsespecially engineering and science majorstheir primary exposure to the humanities. But the real target was much broader. The Hey hey, ho ho chant resonated powerfully because the Western culture that had to go was a double entendre: It referred not just to a single class at Stanford, but to the West itselfto its history and achievements, to its institutions of free-market capitalism and constitutional democracy, to Christianity and Judaism, to the complex of values and judgments that help shape who we are.

These complaints about the Westpresent and pastwould be repeated over the next several years in many different contexts at Stanford. Increasingly, they would also be heard beyond: at the universities for which Stanford is a model; in watereddown form in elementary and high school classes; and in the popular media and arts where graduates of schools like Stanford have influence. Quite arbitrarily, it seemed at the time, the university's required reading list, or canon, had symbolically come to represent deep grievances about an assortment of broader cultural issues. Somehow, the Farm, as undergraduates affectionately call Leland Stanford's old plot, had been chosen as the pastoral site of an intellectual and cultural rebellion. Although nobody knew it then, this landmark skirmishthe Bull Run, so to speak, of America's ongoing culture warwould prove to be the labor pains of a nationwide multicultural movement.

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