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Upton Sinclair - I, candidate for governor: and how I got licked

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Here, reprinted for the first time since its original publication, is muckraking journalist Upton Sinclairs lively, caustic account of the 1934 election campaign that turned California upside down and almost won him the governors mansion.Using his End Poverty in California movement (more commonly called EPIC) as a springboard, Sinclair ran for governor as a Democrat, equipped with a bold plan to end the Depression in California by taking over idle land and factories and turning them into cooperative ventures for the unemployed. To his surprise, thousands rallied to the idea, converting what he had assumed would be another of his utopian schemes into a mass political movement of extraordinary dimensions. With a loosely knit organization of hundreds of local EPIC clubs, Sinclair overwhelmed the moderate Democratic opposition to capture the primary election. When it came to the general election, however, his opposition employed highly effective campaign tactics: overwhelming media hostility, vicious red-baiting and voter intimidation, high-priced dirty tricks. The result was a resounding defeat in November.I, Candidate tells the story of Sinclairs campaign while also capturing the turbulent political mood of the 1930s. Employing his trademark muckraking style, Sinclair exposes the conspiracies of power that ensured big-money control over the media and other powerful institutions.

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title I Candidate for Governor And How I Got Licked author - photo 1

title:I, Candidate for Governor : And How I Got Licked
author:Sinclair, Upton.
publisher:University of California Press
isbn10 | asin:0520081986
print isbn13:9780520081987
ebook isbn13:9780585079288
language:English
subjectSinclair, Upton,--1878-1968, Governors--California--Election--History--20th century, Mass media--Political aspects--California--History--20th century, California--Politics and government--1865-1950.
publication date:1994
lcc:F866.S59 1994eb
ddc:324.9794/05
subject:Sinclair, Upton,--1878-1968, Governors--California--Election--History--20th century, Mass media--Political aspects--California--History--20th century, California--Politics and government--1865-1950.
Page i
I, Candidate for Governor: And How I Got Licked
Upton Sinclair
Introduction by James N. Gregory
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
Berkeley Los Angeles London
Page ii
University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California
University of California Press, Ltd.
London, England
Originally published by Upton Sinclair
1934, 1935 Upton Sinclair
Introduction 1994 by The Regents of the University of California
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sinclair, Upton, 18781968.
I, candidate for governor, and how I got licked / Upton Sinclair; introduction by James N. Gregory.
p. cm.
Originally published: New York : Farrar & Rinehart, 1935.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-520-08197-8 (alk. paper). ISBN 0-520-08198-6
(pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Sinclair, Upton, 18781968. 2. GovernorsCaliforniaElectionHistory20th century. 3. Mass mediaPolitical aspectsCaliforniaHistory20th century. 4. CaliforniaPolitics and government18651950. I. Gregory, James Noble. II. Title.
F866.S59 1994
324.9794'05dc20Picture 294-25599
Picture 3Picture 4CIP
Printed in the United States of America
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984
Page iii
Introduction
James N. Gregory
For a few weeks in the fall of 1934, events in California threatened to push Adolf Hitler off the front pages of American newspapers. An extraordinary political story was unfolding. The internationally known author and long-time socialist Upton Sinclair had captured the Democratic party nomination for governor on the strength of an audacious plan to "End Poverty in California." Riding on the hopes of hundreds of thousands of working-class and unemployed Californians who had endured four years of economic depression, Sinclair's EPIC movement had stirred an equally charged conservative opposition, who saw in it a threat to "sovietize California." The result was one of the angriest electoral contests in twentieth-century American politics and a collision that echoed far and wide. California's distinctive multifaction two-party political system was born in that encounter, as was the national media's fascination with California politics. In Washington, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal administration came under new pressures as a result of EPIC, and the altered political priorities and social policies of 1935 show the impact. More significant, Sinclair's End Poverty movement and the Republican countercampaign that kept him out of the California governor's mansion may have changed the tools of American electoral politics. The first election in which Hollywood money and talent figured prominently, the 1934 contest has been credited with the birth of modern media politics.
The EPIC story belongs to a pivotal year in a pivotal decade. Like 1919 and 1968, 1934 was a year of exceptional turmoil and uncommon challenges to the political ordera year that convinced many Americans that society was poised on the brink of dramatic change or irreversible conflict. The early years of the Depression had been remarkably calm, particularly in comparison with Europe, where the crisis had turned the continent into a battleground between fascism, communism, and assorted other political passions. Americans reacted differently. All through the Hoover years, as the economy declined and jobs and homes were lost, the political life of
Page iv
the United States had remained largely undisturbed. Organized labor quietly absorbed its losses in the early 1930s. And while the tiny Communist party and still smaller Socialist party tried to stir the unemployed to action in the major cities, the radical left remained fragmented, weak, and easy to ignore. So quiescent was the American public that in most locales it was not until 1931 that incumbent officeholders began to pay a price at the polls, and not until 1932 that voter dissatisfaction finally cost the Republican party its majority following.
But 1932 was no climax. The election of Roosevelt and Democratic gains in Congress and in many state governments marked the beginning, not the high point, of political mobilization and conflict. Roosevelt's inauguration and the early New Deal plans he announced in the spring of 1933 opened the door to all sorts of nongovernmental initiatives, which soon threatened to overwhelm the New Deal administration. Labor unrest was part of it: 1934 saw a massive wave of union organizing and strikes roll across the industrial heartland, touching big cities and small, climaxing in full-blown general strikes in San Francisco and Minneapolis.
Paralleling conflicts at the factory gates were a variety of political movements that emerged suddenly to challenge the moderate economic policies of the New Deal. In the upper Midwest, a revived Farmer-Labor movement led by Minnesota's governor, Floyd Olson, demanded that Washington move toward social-democratic policies of public ownership and public spending to rebuild the economy. In the South, the flamboyant Louisiana senator Huey Long built a potentially potent network of "Share the Wealth" clubs with his slogan "Every man a king" and a vague plan to confiscate and redistribute the fortunes of the nation's millionaires. From Detroit, a Catholic priest, Father Charles Coughlin, kept an audience of millions tuned to his weekly radio broadcasts as he railed against the conspiracy of bankers that had driven the nation into bankruptcy. And that is only part of the list. The year also witnessed the beginnings of Francis Townsend's Old Age Revolving Pension movement, with its fanciful plan to end the Depression through generous pension spending. In Wisconsin, Senator Robert La Follette's sons built a new Progressive party, which soon controlled the state, and in Oregon and Washington, another left-wing political movement, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, began electing public officials. The far right was active too, as the Silver Shirts and other fascist groups claimed headlines and growing memberships. It was, in short, a year of explosive political initiative, much of it outside the old, established political parties, much of it ideologically unorthodox by standards of recent American poli-
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