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Dare Gold - America, the Gulf and Israel: Centcom (Central Command) and Emerging Us Regional Security Policies in the Mideast

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America, the Gulf and Israel: Centcom (Central Command) and Emerging Us Regional Security Policies in the Mideast
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Dare Gold
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Routledge
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Books / Politics
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2020
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First published 1988 by Westview Press

Published 2018 by Routledge

52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

ISBN 13: 978-0-367-00312-8 (hbk)

The Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS)

The Center for Strategic Studies was established at Tel-Aviv University at the end of 1977. In 1983 it was named the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in honor of Mr. and Mrs. Mel Jaffee. The objective of the Center is to contribute to the expansion of knowledge on strategic subjects and to promote public understanding of and pluralistic thought on matters of national and international security.

The Center relates to the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning, namely, the complex of processes involved in the identification, mobilization and application of resources in peace and war, in order to solidify and strengthen national and international security.

International Board of Trustees

Chairman: Melvin Jaffee

Immediate Past Chairman: Joseph H. Strelitz (deceased)

Robert H. Arnow, Arnold Y. Aronoff, Newton D. Becker, Jack Berlin, Henry Borenstein, Edgar M. Bronfman, Simon Chilewich, Stewart M. Colton, Lester Crown, Joseph E. Eichenbaum, Danielle and Shimon Erem, Allan Fainbarg, Dr. Gerald Falwell, Jacob Feldman, Arnold D. Feuerstein, David Furman, Guilford Glazer, Eugene M. Grant, Vernon Green, Irving B. Harris, Robert M. Hecht, Betty and Sol Jaffee, Philip M. Klutznick, Max H. Kranzberg, Raymond Kulek, Max L. Kunianski, Mark Lambert, Rose and Norman Lederer, Fred W. Lessing, Morris L. Levinson, Edward Levy, Peter A. Magowan, Hermann Merkin, Stephen Meadow, Joseph Meyerhoff, Monte Monaster, Max Perlman, Milton J. Petrie, Gary P. Ratner, Raphael Recanati, Meshulam Riklis, Morris Rodman, Elihu Rose, Malcolm M. Rosenberg, Irving Schneider, Marvin Simon, Ruth Sinaiko, Walter P. Stem, Dr. Robert J. Stoller, Leonard R. Strelitz, James Warren, David Warsaw, Jacob D. Weiler, Marvin A. Weiss, Emanuel A. Winston, Bart Wolstein, Paul Yanowicz, Mortimer B. Zuckerman.

Acknowledgments

There are a number of individuals who assisted in making this study possible. I would like to express my gratitude to the entire group of JCSS research associates for frank, constructive criticism during our staff meetings that served to strengthen the thesis of this work. I am particularly appreciative of the Head of JCSS, Major-General (res.) Aharon Yariv, for having originally conceived the need for this study, and for assigning it to me. JCSS Deputy Head and Executive Editor Joseph Alpher contributed his excellent editorial comments and useful insights. Special thanks are in order for Colonel Marshall Michel (USAF) who, as a member of the JCSS staff during 1986-87, willingly devoted considerable time and offered his experience and advice. The sections of this work regarding the regional politics of the Gulf area would have been impossible without the facilities provided by the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel-Aviv University. I must add a note of intellectual indebtedness to my former advisor at Columbia Universitys Middle East Institute, Professor J.C. Hurewitz. His rigorous training in the comparative policies of external powers toward the Middle East provided me with the academic background for this work.

AOR	Area of responsibility
AWACS	Airborne Warning and Control System
CENTCOM	US Central Command
CENTO	Central Treaty Organization
CINCNELM	Commander-in-Chief US Naval Forces Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean
CONUS	Continental United States
CRAF	Civilian Reserve Air Fleet
DOD	US Department of Defense
EUCOM	US European Command
GCC	Gulf Cooperation Council
ISA	International Security Affairs (Department of Defense)
JCS	Joint Chiefs of Staff
LANTCOM	US Atlantic Command
MFO	Multinational Force and Observers
MIDEASTFOR	US Middle East Force
MPS	Maritime Prepositioning Ships
NATO	North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NSC	National Security Council
NTPS	Near-Term Prepositioning Ships
PACOM	US Pacific Command
RDF	Rapid Deployment Force
RDJTF	Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force
REDCOM	US Readiness Command
SAC	Strategic Air Command
SPECOMME	US Specified Command Middle East
STRICOM	US Strike Command
TVD	Teatr Voyennykh Deistviy (Soviet Theatre of Military Operations)
UAE	United Arab Emirates

Table of Contents

Maps

Guide

During the 1980s, the US strategic relationship with the Middle East region underwent a fundamental change. For most of the postwar period, the Middle East was practically a military vacuum for American planners. Primary responsibility for the regions defense in the early Cold War was assigned by inter-allied agreement to Great Britain. American attempts to plug the holes of declining British power were constrained because of other American global priorities in NATO-Europe and the Far East. Eventually a US conception arose that assessed the threat of direct Soviet aggression on the Middle East as minimal because of the geography of the regions northern mountain ranges and the deterrent threat of US nuclear superiority. In more highly probable lesser contingencies involving Soviet clients, the United States came to look at its own regional partners - above 1all, Iran - as responsible for the regions defense. In 1979, with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan- and with the advent of nuclear parity earlier in the decade - the previous conception of Middle East defense crumbled. The removal of the Shah of Iran exposed American vulnerabilities on even a wider range of lesser scenarios on the conflict spectrum.

With the establishment of the US Central Command (USCENTCOM) in 1983, the Reagan administration converted the Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force (RDJTF), that had been formed in 1980, to a full unified command, thereby placing the Middle East organizationally in American military planning on a par with NATO-Europe- with its US European Command (USEUCOM)-and the Far East, with its US Pacific Command (USPACOM). In 1983 many of the principal features of the CENTCOM area came to resemble those of the European theater: a defined area for regional defense, known as Southwest Asia, emerged; the direct Soviet overland threat preoccupied American planners; all the American armed services were engaged in planning the conventional defense of the Middle East; and US forces were envisioned to have a role at least equal to - if not greater than - local military forces in a wide variety of scenarios. Yet the two zones still differed in important respects: outside of naval forces and military training missions, the US had no comparable peacetime deployments of American forces in the Middle East and- perhaps more significantly - no regional political arrangements emerged, similar to NATO, that would govern their deployment in case of any emergency.

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