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Jorgen S. Rasmussen - The Process of Politics: A Comparative Approach

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Jorgen S. Rasmussen The Process of Politics: A Comparative Approach
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The Process of Politics
The Process of Politics
A Comparative Approach
JORGEN RASMUSSEN
First published 2007 by Transaction Publishers Published 2017 by Routledge 2 - photo 1
First published 2007 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright 2007 by Taylor & Francis.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2006048008
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rasmussen, Jorgen Scott.
The process of politics : a comparative approach / Jorgen Rasmussen.
p. cm.
Originally published: New York : Atherton Press, 1969.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-202-30943-9 (alk. paper)
1. Comparative government. I. Title.
JF51.R27 2007
320.3dc22
2006048008
ISBN 13: 978-0-202-30943-9 (pbk)
IN writing this book I have tried to produce a text suitable for introductory courses in comparative politics regardless of whether the instructor uses the vertical, country-by-country approach or the horizontal, functional approach. Students in courses that focus on several foreign governments could use this text as an introduction to the study of comparative politics, and then consider whatever countries the instructor prefers. A study of each countrys political system could include an investigation of the extent to which the general findings presented here hold true in any particular political system. This procedure would help students identify the special circumstances in a given country which produce a measure of uniqueness in its political system. Knowledge of both a countrys political uniqueness and its ordinariness should enhance students understanding of that countrys political process and structure. Proceeding this way also can help to make the country-by-country approach more comparative and analytical, rather than simply a study of foreign governments.
The instructor who prefers the functional approach could make this book the core around which to organize the course. He could assign supplementary readings on topics or functions he wishes to pursue in greater detail. Because this text provides both an introduction to the field and the framework for further study, it would help to clarify for students the interrelation of the various functions presented in the additional reading assignments.
Another possible use of this text is as a part of the first course in political science. In this case, the book would help students gain a knowledge of basic concerns and procedures of the discipline of political science within the field of comparative politics. The discussion in this book of the most significant findings about various key political functions would also introduce students to some of the basic facts of the discipline.
An introductory book should not be bogged down with detailed footnotes. On the other hand, those whose work has advanced our knowledge should be credited, and students should be introduced to those thinkers and their writings as well as to their ideas. I have tried to satisfy both aims through summary footnotes which indicate for each chapter the research on which it is based.
Because I did not wish to write a volume the size of a dictionary, and because I wanted this work to be a truly comparative synthesis, I originally intended to use as sources only those studies which focused on more than one country or were clearly replicative. Although I adhered to this plan as much as possible, the paucity of studies which could qualify as sources proved much greater than anticipated. Thus, I have been forced at times to rely on single-country studies. The deplorable lack of empirical, comparative studies was a constant frustration and the major obstacle to completing this introductory summary.
Because authors appreciative comments are of no interest to the reader, I will confine my thanks to Charles McCall, who took time from a busy schedule to read virtually all the manuscript for this book and to comment on it. I am very grateful for his assistance.
J orgen R asmussen
Contents
If all men were hermits, anarchy would be a sensible form of political organization. The man who seeks to live in isolation, to make himself an island, denies a portion of his humanity. He who is unable to live in society, or who has no need because he is sufficient for himself, Aristotle observed centuries ago, must be either a beast or a god.
Most men prefer a more gregarious life. They associate with others to gain companionship and to satisfy their wants and needs more efficiently. By assigning particular tasks to individuals who have developed relevant skills and by working in groups, men are able to accomplish what they could not do, or could not do as well, by themselves.
Once men begin to deal with each other, once they begin to become a group, an association, a society, they cannot be left unguided or unregulated to follow their individual values and goals. To assume that some invisible hand will order their relations rationally to the greatest benefit of all is a utopian dream. That everyone but one man wishes to use a river for swimming and fishing matters little, if the one dissenter owns the slaughterhouse that empties its offal into the river. Unless such conflicts of interest are to be settled by violence, recognized channels and procedures for arbitrating thempolitical structuresmust be established. The purpose of such structures is not to eliminate conflictthey are neither productive of nor needed in a millennial society, religious or Marxian, in which men live in perfect harmony and contentmentbut rather to keep conflict within acceptable bounds so that men can live together peaceably and can form a society, despite their differences.
A society without political institutions can hardly be called a society; it is merely an aggregate. It does not resemble the nineteenth-century romantics pristine idyl of the life of the noble savage, but corresponds instead to the state of nature described by the seventeenth-century political philosopher Thomas Hobbes as that condition called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man[a life] solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. Not surprisingly, anthropologists have discovered that primitive societies empower their leaders to make rules binding upon all their members. Even these societies have political institutions. Man, asserted Aristotle, is by nature a political animal; man is necessarily involved in politics, even if only as a passive subject. Politicsthe process of governingcoextends with human life.
However, this characteristic does not distinguish politics from morality, religion, or family relations, to cite only a few examples. Nor is politics distinctive in involving authority and power. Many individuals and groups wield authority, even power, over otherssuch as parents over their children and churches over their members. Politics is unique in being the only process through which authoritative decisions are made which are applicable to an entire society and legitimately enforceable by sanctions.
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