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Robert Lewis - Chicagos Industrial Decline: The Failure of Redevelopment, 1920–1975

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Robert Lewis Chicagos Industrial Decline: The Failure of Redevelopment, 1920–1975
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In Chicagos Industrial Decline Robert Lewis charts the citys decline since the 1920s and describes the early development of Chicagos famed (and reviled) growth machine. Beginning in the 1940s and led by local politicians, downtown business interest, financial institutions, and real estate groups, place-dependent organizations in Chicago implemented several industrial renewal initiatives with the dual purpose of stopping factory closings and attracting new firms in order to turn blighted property into modern industrial sites. At the same time, a more powerful coalition sought to adapt the urban fabric to appeal to middle-class consumption and residential living. As Lewis shows, the two aims were never well integrated, and the result was on-going disinvestment and the inexorable decline of Chicagos industrial space.

By the 1950s, Lewis argues, it was evident that the early incarnation of the growth machine had failed to maintain Chicagos economic center in industry. Although larger economic and social forcesspecifically, competition for business and for residential development from the suburbs in the Chicagoland region and across the whole United Statesplayed a role in the citys industrial decline, Lewis stresses the deep incoherence of post-WWII economic policy and urban planning that hoped to square the circle by supporting both heavy industry and middle- to upper-class amenities in downtown Chicago.

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Chicagos Industrial Decline
The Failure of Redevelopment, 19201975
Robert Lewis
Cornell University Press Ithaca and London
Contents
Tables and Figures
Tables
Figures
Acknowledgments
Every book has people who contributed in various ways to its making. This, my third and final book on the historical geographies of industrial Chicago, is no different. In fact, many of the same people that played a part, both large and small, in the previous two have figured in the fashioning of this one. To start at the top, I need to thank Virginia McLaren and Rick DiFrancesco, the two most recent chairs of the Department of Geography and Planning here at the University of Toronto, for the terrific institutional support they have given me over many years. I would also like to extend many thanks to department staffmost important, Kathy Geisbrecht, Maria Wowk, Jessica Finlayson, Tas Hudani, and Yvonne Kennyfor their help over the years. A bunch of department colleaguesAlana Boland, Matt Farish, Paul Hess, Debby Leslie, Scott Prudham, and Katherine Rankinhave sustained me through some difficult times and I thank them very much for their friendship.
A Social Science and Humanities Research Grant, Industrial urban renewal and the industrial change, Chicago, 19301973, allowed me to visit archives in Chicago and Washington, DC. I would like to thank the staff at the Municipal Reference Collection and Special Collections departments at the Harold Washington Library Center, Chicago; the Special Collections and University Archives of the University of Illinois, Chicago; the Special Collections Research Center of the University of Chicago; the Chicago Historical Museum; and the National Archives at College Park for their assistance. I should add that the staff at the interlibrary loan office at the University of Toronto went out of their way to help me locate hard-to-find sources from a variety of locales.
I have been very lucky to have worked with Cornell University Press. The editorial staffmost notably Michael McGandy, Susan Specter, and Clare Kirkpatrick Joneshave been superb. Two of the books readers, Dominic Pacyga and Domenic Vitiello, provided generous, incisive, and thoughtful remarks on the first draft. The book is much better because of their comments. I would like to thank Florence Grant for her copyediting skills. The books excellent index was compiled by Celia Braves. Thank you.
I would like to extend a special thanks to Nick Lombardo, who has provided me with unrivalled research and intellectual support over the last ten years. A student and now a friend, Nicks intelligence, judgement, and enthusiasm have played a huge part in the making of this book as well as my previous one on the calculative politics of industrial property in wartime Chicago.
The writing of this book bears the weight of great personal loss. I would like to thank my children, Yonah and Lev, and their partners, Sandra and Erin, and my family friends, Mark, Julia, Nadya, Gord, Kathy, Richard, Susan, Betsy, and others who have done so much to help me work through this difficult period. I have been greatly heartened by the fact that my first grandchild was born on the day after I had completed the proofs. She is the daughter of Yonah and Sandra, who use words in quite different ways in their work than I do. My hope is that Pearl Lila will absorb all sorts of words and use them to make her part of the world a better place.
Abbreviations
AECAtomic Energy Commission
CACIChicago Association of Commerce and Industry
CARDCChicago Area Research and Development Council
CECDMayors Committee for Economic and Cultural Development
CHAChicago Housing Authority
CLCCChicago Land Clearance Commission
CPCChicago Plan Commission
CREBChicago Real Estate Board
DURDepartment of Urban Renewal, Chicago
EDAEconomic Development Administration
EDCEconomic Development Commission
IITIllinois Institute of Technology
MPCMetropolitan Planning Council
MPHCMetropolitan Planning and Housing Council
MRCMunicipal Reference Collection, Harold Washington Library Center, Chicago
NARA-CPNational Archives at College Park, Maryland
NWSPBNear West Side Planning Board
PHNProquest Historical Newspapers
R&Dresearch and development
SSPBSouth Side Planning Board
UICSCUniversity of Illinois, Chicago, Special Collections and University Archives"/>
Introduction
Visions of Chicago
The great advantages inherent in Chicagos location as a focal point of rail, truck, water, and air routes and, therefore, its accessibility to raw materials and markets will undoubtedly continue to be decisive in maintaining and enhancing Chicagos pre-eminence in manufacturing.
Chicago Plan Commission, 1951
In 1973, Chicagos leading business organization, the Chicago Association of Commerce and Industry (CACI), published a promotional booklet that outlined the citys attractions for industry. Invest in Chicago called on financial companies, developers, and industrial firms from across the country to invest in the regions manufacturing. The writer laid out the areas locational assets: low construction and transport costs, numerous industries, a welcoming business climate, and a diverse labor force. None of these were unexpected for anybody who knew anything about plant location; these variables had been trotted out as enticements to industrial managers by urban boosters for more than a hundred years. This locational trope had shaped the rhetorical and material understanding of the industrial United States for some time. Postwar Chicago, it was believed, had been and would continue to be one of the United States more important centers for industrial investment.
Despite framing the Chicago metropolitan region as an attractive place for industrial investment, the tone of the CACI publication is downbeat, almost somber. It appears as if the booklets writers were resigned to the fact that Chicago was no longer the industrial dynamo it once was: There is no such thing as a perfect metropolitan area in the light of business requirements. On balance, the Chicago Area is attractive to firms.intense competition from Saint Louis, Pittsburgh, and New York, had managed to become one of the worlds great industrial cities by the end of the nineteenth century.
A generation earlier, in 1957, the CACI had put out another promotional document. The essays assembled in Chicagos New Horizons had a more confident tone than Invest in Chicago. Alan Sturdy, the publications editor, boasted that this was the moment to celebrate the phenomenal growth that had taken place since World War II. In this short time, the population had grown by 1.4 million, four hundred thousand new dwelling units had been built, and $3 billion had been invested in new factories. All this, Sturdy opined, made Chicago a great modern metropolitan community and destined to continue its recent phenomenal rate of growth. Speaking in the same vein, Charles Willson of the CACIs Industrial Development Division extolled the locational advantages that put Chicago far ahead of any other center. The regions steel firms were magnets drawing countless new plants to the Chicago area. The difference in tone about the status and future of the city in the two CACI publications could not have been starker.
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