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Anthony F. Heath 2018
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Preface
This book grew out of a set of briefing papers, published online by the Centre for Social Investigation of Nuffield College (http://csi.nuff.ox.ac.uk/), which trace social change in Britain over the decades since Sir William Beveridge published his celebrated 1942 report on Social Insurance and Allied Services. The Centre for Social Investigation was established by Nuffield College with the aims of addressing contemporary social issues of public interest and providing rigorous, non-partisan reports to policy-makers and the general public. The Centres aims are closely aligned with the College charter which encourages the study by co-operation between academic and non-academic persons of social (including economic and political) problems. CSIs work builds on a long tradition of research at Nuffield exploring social change, of which the most famous examples are perhaps David Butler and Donald Stokes Political Change in Britain, John Goldthorpes Social Mobility and Class Structure in Modern Britain, and Chelly Halseys Twentieth-Century British Social Trends.
Nuffield College also has a long tradition of cooperation between academic and non-academic persons. Indeed, William Beveridge himself was associated with Nuffield College during the war and in his preface to his 1944 book Full Employment in a Free Society he mentioned how he had benefited from the admirable series of conferences in connection with the College, organized originally by Mr G.D.H. Cole. Nowadays, G. D. H. Cole is not a well-known figure, but he played a key role in Oxford and more particularly in Nuffield College social science. He initiated the Social Reconstruction Survey, which collected demographic, economic, and social data for evidence-based social reform. It was the forerunner of many notable national surveys conducted by members of the college, on which I have drawn liberally in this book.
Social Progress in Britain thus stands in a Nuffield College tradition of research which extends back to William Beveridge and G. D. H. Cole, and which is greatly indebted to the many practitioners of that tradition such as David Butler, John Goldthorpe, and Chelly Halsey, who all developed the tradition during the intervening years. In some ways, though, Social Progress in Britain is not a typical representative of the Nuffield tradition since, in writing it, I have entirely avoided sophisticated statistical analyses and have instead simply tried to piece together the (sometimes confusing and contradictory) evidence about what has happened in the fight against the five giant evils that Beveridge identified in 1942. More sophisticated analysis should certainly be undertaken in order to test rigorously the many conjectures which I advance about the underlying causes of social progress in Britain, or its lack. However, I decided to follow the advice which I always give my doctoral studentsa completed thesis is always better than the perfect but incomplete thesis.
While I am named as the author of Social Progress in Britain, it is important to emphasize that it has been a collective effort involving all the members of CSIBeth Garratt, James Laurence, Lindsay Richards, Valentina di Stasio, Noah Carl, and Wouter Zwysenas well as many academic and non-academic members of the college community. CSI has also been very fortunate in having a supportive advisory boardAndrew Dilnot, Iqbal Wahhab, Stephen Aldridge, Paul Cleal, Richard Dick, Stephanie Flanders, Michael Kell, Bruno Paulson, Gemma Rosenblatt, Ray Shostak, and Stephen Timmswho have been generous with their time and advice.
I would also like to thank Bess Bukodi, Felix Busch, Jonathan Cribb, Duncan Gallie, Michael Goldacre, John Goldthorpe, Angus Hawkins, Bernie Hayes, John Jerrim, Ridhi Kashyap, Alice Lazzati, Yaojun Li, Colin Mills, Nan Dirk de Graaf, Marii Paskov, Max Roser, Reannan Rottier, Ricky Taylor, Nathan Thomas, Becky Tunstall, and Dingeman Wiertz for their practical help and advice as well as the team at Oxford University PressDominic Byatt, Elakkia Bharathi, Sarah Parker, Dawn Preston, and Olivia Wellsfor their support and forbearance with my various whims. Needless to say, neither the college, the advisory board, the members of CSI, nor any of these friends or colleagues are responsible for the final content of the book. I have freely used my authors prerogative to ignore advice and therefore take full responsibility for the interpretations of the data and for all errors and omissions.
Anthony F. Heath
Nuffield College
Contents
Introduction
Britain has seen huge social changes over the course of my lifetime. The world of the 1950s, when I grew up in a modest suburb of Liverpool, has vanished for ever. The material standard of living we enjoyed then would nowadays seem to be distinctly substandard. We didnt have a family car; I shared a bedroom with my older brother; and there was no television set, though we did have a telephonea rather unfamiliar contraption which we were all too scared to use. Computers, and even pocket calculators, were unknown, but we did know our times tables. There never seemed to be quite enough to eat and we were all rather skinny. There was no problem of obesity in our family, but we didnt grow particularly tall. Todays younger generation tower over us.
However, we did go to church every Sunday (reluctantly, it must be admitted) and belonged to the Boy Scouts (less reluctantly). And we were in no doubt that we were expected to make the most of the educational opportunities which opened up if one passed the scholarship exam. This was the era of the tripartite systemgrammar schools, technical schools, and the secondary moderns. We never met anyone from one of the other types of school. We didnt even meet anyone from the nearby Catholic grammar school. We never really met anyone who wasnt white British, Protestant, and lower middle class, though looking back, maybe the Scouts reached a wider range of young people. And all schools were single sex, so we met no girls. My mother did not go out to work, and as far as I knew nobody elses mother did either.