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Pippa Norris - Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide

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Pippa Norris Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide
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Seminal nineteenth-century thinkers predicted that religion would gradually fade in importance with the emergence of industrial society. The belief that religion was dying became the conventional wisdom in the social sciences during most of the twentieth century. The traditional secularization thesis needs updating, however, religion has not disappeared and is unlikely to do so. Nevertheless, the concept of secularization captures an important part of what is going on. This book develops a theory of existential security. It demonstrates that the publics of virtually all advanced industrial societies have been moving toward more secular orientations during the past half century, but also that the world as a whole now has more people with traditional religious views than ever before. This second edition expands the theory and provides new and updated evidence from a broad perspective and in a wide range of countries. This confirms that religiosity persists most strongly among vulnerable populations, especially in poorer nations and in failed states. Conversely, a systematic erosion of religious practices, values, and beliefs has occurred among the more prosperous strata in rich nations.

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Appendix A
Table A.1. Classifications of Types of Society
NOTE The classification of societies is based upon categorizing the UNDP Human - photo 1
NOTE The classification of societies is based upon categorizing the UNDP Human - photo 2
NOTE The classification of societies is based upon categorizing the UNDP Human - photo 3
NOTE: The classification of societies is based upon categorizing the UNDP Human Development Index (1998), based on longevity (as measured by life expectancy at birth); educational achievement; and standard of living (as measured by per capita GDP [PPP $US]). The classification of the type of democracy in each nation state is based on the Freedom House estimates of political rights and civil liberties (mean 19802000).
a It should be noted that certain independent nation states are subdivided into societies for analysis, due to their distinctive political legacies, historical traditions, and social cleavages, including Germany (subdividing West and East Germany), the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland and Great Britain), and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro after 1992). Therefore, in total there are 76 nation states, but 79 societies, compared within the study.
Source: UNDP: UNDP Human Development Report 2000 . New York: UNDP/Oxford University Press.
Table A.2. Type of Nation States Included in Any Wave of the World Values Surveys
NOTE For details of the classification of government regimes and types of - photo 4
NOTE: For details of the classification of government regimes and types of societies, see .
Appendix B
Table B1. Concepts and Measures
Sacred and Secular Religion and Politics Worldwide - photo 5
NOTE Full details of the World Valu - photo 6
NOTE Full details of the World Values Survey codebooks and questionnaires are - photo 7
NOTE Full details of the World Values Survey codebooks and questionnaires are - photo 8
NOTE Full details of the World Values Survey codebooks and questionnaires are - photo 9
NOTE: Full details of the World Values Survey codebooks and questionnaires are available online at: www.worldvaluessurvey.com.
Appendix C
Technical Note on the Freedom of Religion Scale
The new Freedom of Religion scale was developed based on the following twenty criteria. Countries were coded from information contained in the U.S. State Department report on International Religious Freedom, 2002 . The report is available online at:
The constitution limits freedom of religion.
The constitution does not recognize freedom of religion. (Or the law does not recognize freedom of religion, in countries without a written constitution.)
A single official (established) state church exists.
The state favors one religion.
Religious organizations must register with the state or be designated by it to operate legally, or the government imposes restrictions on those organizations not registered or recognized.
The state issues legal permits for religious buildings.
The state appoints or approves church leaders, church leaders appoint or approve government officials, and/or church leaders have specific positions in the government.
The state pays church salaries directly.
The state subsidizes some/all churches.
The state provides tax exemptions for some/all churches.
The state bans clergy from all or some specified religions from holding public office.
The state owns some church property and buildings.
The state mandates some religious education in state schools, even though students can be exempted from this requirement with a parent's request.
There are reports of forced religious conversions.
The state restricts some denominations, cults, or sects.
The state restricts/bans some missionaries entering the country for proselytizing purposes.
The state restricts/censors some religious literature entering the country or being distributed.
The state imprisons or detains some religious groups or individuals.
The state fails to deter serious incidents of ethno-religious conflict and violence directed against some minority groups.
The state is designated a country of particular concern for freedom of religion by the U.S. State Department.
The Secularization Debate
THE SEMINAL SOCIAL thinkers of the nineteenth century Auguste Comte, Herbert Spencer, mile Durkheim, Max Weber, Karl Marx, and Sigmund Freud all believed that religion would gradually fade in importance and cease to be significant with the advent of industrial society.
During the last decade, however, this thesis of the slow and steady death of religion has come under growing criticism; indeed, secularization theory is currently experiencing the most sustained challenge in its long history.
Were Comte, Durkheim, Weber, and Marx completely misled in their beliefs about religious decline in industrialized societies? Was the predominant sociological view during the twentieth century totally misguided? Has the debate been settled? We think not. Talk of burying the secularization theory is premature. The critique relies too heavily on selected anomalies and focuses too heavily on the United States (which happens to be a striking deviant case) rather than comparing systematic evidence across a broad range of rich and poor societies. We need to move beyond studies of Catholic and Protestant church attendance in Europe (where attendance is falling) and the United States (where attendance remains stable) if we are to understand broader trends in religious vitality in churches, mosques, shrines, synagogues, and temples around the globe.
There is no question that the traditional secularization thesis needs updating. It is obvious that religion has not disappeared from the world, nor does it seem likely to do so. Nevertheless, the concept of secularization captures an important part of what is going on. This book develops a revised version of secularization theory that emphasizes the extent to which people have a sense of existential security that is, the feeling that survival is secure enough that it can be taken for granted. We build on key elements of traditional sociological accounts while revising others. We believe that the importance of religiosity persists most strongly among vulnerable populations, especially those living in poorer nations, facing personal survival-threatening risks. We argue that feelings of vulnerability to physical, societal, and personal risks are a key factor driving religiosity and we demonstrate that the process of secularization a systematic erosion of religious practices, values, and beliefs has occurred most clearly among the most prosperous social sectors living in affluent and secure post- industrial nations.
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