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Samuel E. Finer - The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics

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Samuel E. Finer The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics

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The role of the military in a society raises a number of issues: How much separation should there be between a civil government and its army? Should the military be totally subordinate to the polity? Or should the armed forces be allowed autonomy in order to provide national security? Recently, the dangers of military dictatorships-as have existed in countries like Panama, Chile, and Argentina-have become evident. However, developing countries often lack the administrative ability and societal unity to keep the state functioning in an orderly and economically feasible manner without military intervention.

Societies, of course, have dealt with the realities of these problems throughout their histories, and the action they have taken at any particular point in time has depended on numerous factors. In the first world of democratic countries, the civil-military relationship has been thoroughly integrated, and indeed by most modern standards this is seen as essential. However, several influential Western thinkers have developed theories arguing for the separation of the military from any political or social role. Samuel Huntington, emphasized that professionalism would presuppose that the military should intervene as little as possible in the political sphere. Samuel E. Finer, in contrast, emphasizes that a government can be efficient enough way to keep the civil-military relationship in check, ensuring that the need for intervention by the armed forces in society would be minimal. At the time of the books original publication, perhaps as a consequence of a post-World War II Cold War atmosphere, this was by no means a universally accepted position. Some considered the military to be a legitimate threat to a free society. Todays post-Cold War environment is an appropriate time to reconsider Finers classic argument.

The Man on Horseback continues to be an important contribution to the study of the militarys role in the realm of politics, and will be of interest to students of political science, government, and the military.

Review

The Man on Horseback is old school in new clothes. In the current era of renewed interest in civil-military relations, it is important to revisit previous work on this important topic. Finers thesis is dynamic and raises a much needed ruckus in the civil-military debate.Indeed, the interdisciplinary nature and comparative features of The Man on Horseback makes it especially exciting and timely.

Morten G. Ender, United States Military Academy

Stanleys masterful introduction paints a lively portrait of Finers life and work and instructs us all on the increasing relevance of Finers arguments. It will shake the complacency of those who do not know or cannot say when, why, and how militaries intervene in the politics of countries they are supposed to defend.

James Burke, Texas A&M University

About the Author

Samuel E. Finer (1915-1993) was professor of government at Manchester University and Gladstone Professor of Government and Public Administration at Oxford University. His published works include the monumental The History of Government from the Earliest Times.

Jay Stanley, professor of sociology at Towson University, is a member of the advisory council of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society, and on the board of editors of its journal Armed Forces & Society. He is the editor of Essays on the Garrison State, and co-editor of Challenges in Military Health Care, both published by Transaction.

Samuel E. Finer: author's other books


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THE MAN ON HORSEBACK
The Role of the Military in Politics

S. E. FINER

PALL MALL PRESS

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Published by the Pall Mall Press Limited5 Cromwell Place, London SW7

(c) S. E. Finer, 1962

First published 1962

Second printing 1967

Third printing 1969

SBN 269 16095 7

Printed by offset in Great Britain by Alden & Mowbray Ltd at the Alden Press, Oxford

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In recognition, gratitude and love to my great teacher and constant guide my brother HERMAN

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Contents
Acknowledgements
1 The Military in the Politics of Today
2 The Political Strengths of the Military
3 The Political Weaknesses of the Military
4 The Disposition to Intervene(1) Motive
5 The Disposition to Intervene (2) Mood
6 The Opportunity to Intervene
7 The Levels of Intervention
(1) Countries of developed political culture
8 The Levels of Intervention
(2) Countries of low political culture
9 The Levels of Intervention
(3) Countries of minimal political culture
10 The Modes of Intervention
11 The Results of Intervention - The Military
Rgimes
12 The Past and the Future of Military Interven
tion
Bibliography
Index of persons
Index of countries
Index of subjects

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Acknowledgements

This essay grew out of a short paper I presented to the British Political Studies Association. The more I thought about the subject, the more important it seemed to me. Since nobody else seemed to have examined it -- at least, in the way I thought it ought to be examined -- I felt compelled to do so myself. I hope I have done so competently enough not to have spoiled the field for others better qualified. I by no means offer the book as the last word --- for this will not be written for a long time to come -- but as a first one. I shall be disappointed if it does not lead to further research in this field, however critical of my own standpoint it may prove to be.

I have written it for the general reader rather than for my professional colleagues, though I trust the scholarship will not prove any the worse for that; but this explains why I have cut down the usual apparatus of citations and references, and limited the bibliography.

Colleagues have given me great help and encouragement. I would particularly thank Mr. F. G. Carnell of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Oxford; Professor George Fischer of Cornell University; Professor John Lewis, also of Cornell University; my friend, Professor W. J. M. MacKenzie of Manchester University; my old colleague, Mr. A. P. V. Rolo, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Keele; and, finally, my crony of undergraduate days at Trinity College, Oxford, Brigadier Peter Young, D.S.O., M.C., M.A., of the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, who used to beat me in a fascinating kriegspiel which we invented together. All these colleagues read my typescript and offered valuable comments and corrections which have much improved the book.

I must also thank Mr. S. O. Stewart, the Librarian of the University of Keele, and his staff, for the help they have given me in obtaining the very wide range of books and other materials that was necessary to carry out my research.

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CHAPTER ONE
The Military in the Politics of Today

THE year 1962 opened with brisk outbursts of military revolt. Four risings -- those in the Lebanon, Portugal, Turkey and Venezuela -- were unsuccessful, but the month of March witnessed three victorious revolts in quick succession. In Burma, General Ne Win deposed the government and established direct military rule. In Argentina the armed forces removed President Frondizi and set up a Provisional President in his place. In Syria, exactly six months after the 1961 coup, military factions first swept away the civilian rgime and then, quarrelling among themselves, restored it.

The date of the unsuccessful Lebanon rising, between the last day of the old year and the first day of the new, was symbolical: in all this military activity, 1962 was but continuing where 1961 had left off. For 1961 was also a busy one for the armed forces. They overthrew the provisional government in El Salvador in January. In April the 'Four Generals' staged their unsuccessful coup in Algeria. In May it was the turn of the South Korean army; it overthrew its government and established a thorough-going military dictatorship. In August, the Brazilian armed forces strove to prevent Vice-President Senhor Goulart's accession to the Presidency (which had been vacated by the resignation of President Quadros). In September the army of the Syrian province of the U.A.R. revolted, drove the Egyptian officials out, and established a government for an independent Syria. In November Ecuador's army and air forces clashed as to who was to succeed the President -- who had himself resigned as the result of a military revolt.

Nor was 1961 very different from 1960. That year had seen the Turkish army revolt of May, and the establishment of General

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Grsel's dictatorship; the mutiny of the Congolese Force Publique in July and the subsequent rapine and carnage throughout the newborn Republic; the Laotian coup of Captain Kong Lee in August -the move that sparked off the civil war; the bloodless coup by which Colonel Osorio ousted President Lemus of El Salvador in October; and finally, the revolt of the Palace Guard against the Emperor of Ethiopia in December.

In every case the armed forces had defied or indeed used violence against the government of the state. In May 1960 on the occasion of General Grsel's revolt, The Times commented: 'It has been a good year for Generals'; but this was not only belated but quite misleading. For 1959 had witnessed an unsuccessful rising in Iraq, an unsuccessful military plot in Cambodia and a successful coup in the Sudan, while 1958 was -- for the military -- an

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