Gender and the American Presidency
Lexington Studies in Political Communication
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Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
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Gender and the American Presidency: Nine Presidential Women and the Barriers They Faced , By Theodore F. Sheckels, Nichola D. Gutgold, and Diana B. Carlin
Gender and the American Presidency
Nine Presidential Women and the Barriers They Faced
Theodore F. Sheckels, Nichola D. Gutgold, and Diana B. Carlin
Lexington Books
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Copyright 2012 by Lexington Books
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sheckels, Theodore F.
Gender and the American presidency : nine presidential women and the barriers they faced / Theodore F. Sheckels, Nichola D. Gutgold, and Diana Bartelli Carlin.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7391-6678-9 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7391-6679-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7391-6680-2
1. Women presidential candidatesUnited States. 2. Sex rolePolitical aspectsUnited States. I. Gutgold, Nichola D. II. Carlin, Diana B., 1950- III. Title.
HQ1391.U5S47 2012
324.9730082dc23
2011050536
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
Printed in the United States of America
Preface
In four-year cycles, Americansled by the mediaask the question, who among the many possibilities is made of presidential timber. The question is asked as candidates surface and as they proceed through a campaigns primary phase. As the surfacing period lengthens, the question is asked earlier and perhaps more often. Some would even suggest that, as soon as a president is inaugurated, the question begins being asked about prospective challengers with the election four years off in view.
This book begins in a conversation about this national mania, a conversation that gives rise to a fundamental question: why are so many men assessed and, then, either acclaimed or rejected, while so few women are? The comparative numbers in politics perhaps once explained this gender gap, but now, there are many women governors and many women in the U.S. Senate, the two likeliest placeshistory tells usto find Americans of presidential timber. One would think the number of women vetted by the media and populace would have increased more than it has.
But, even if the numbed vetted has increased just a bit, the number who are found qualified remains low. Hillary Clinton in 2008 got as close as any woman has thus far, but even she, in the Democratic Partys final analysis, was found lacking. In 2012, Sarah Palin has finally declined to be considered, but, if she had chosen otherwise, she probably would have struck several barriers on her path. And Michelle Bachmann, who was a candidate, has indeed struck several. People asked if she is sufficiently qualified; people balked at her sometimes-aggressive tone; people questioned whether her husbands views are a political liability.
It is not for the authors of this study to decide if Palin and Bachmann are truly of presidential timber, but we will argue, for the sake of this study, that there have been many women in the past several decades who have been just as if not more qualified than men who have survived the vetting process almost if not to the end. There were evidently barriers in these womens paths, and it is the purpose of this study to ascertain what those barriers might be. Why have so many political women with public service careers comparable to the men who have been dubbed frontrunners been judged not ready for the White House?
We could have searched the extant literature on gender and politics and developed several hypotheses and, then, tested them against the stories of prominent political women. We chose instead to work in the inductive manner familiar to both rhetoricians and critics. We chose to examine the women and, then, extract from their stories what the hypotheses might be. We imagined that the hypotheses arrived at in this manner might well largely match-up with those that might have characterized a deductive approach. We chose to proceed as we did based on a hunch that the stories, if told without the lens of current theories about gender and politics firmly in place, might point to some new or some differently-cast hypotheses. Put simply, we thought that the stories might lead to a more nuanced take on gender and politics than extant research.