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Robert L. Carlin - North Korean Reform: Politics, Economics and Security

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In the past, foreign policy and security concerns have trumped any efforts to reform the North Korean economy. Today, the linkage between security and economic policies is being reconsidered as part of a larger debate in the North Korean leadership that has already transformed the country in fundamental ways. Despite renewed tensions with the United States, North Korea has begun to implement important economic reforms. Moreover, underneath the cover of the ever-present military-first slogan in the controlled media, a debate is taking place between reformers and conservatives over whether Pyongyangs bloated military industrial complex should be scaled back to help ensure the success of economic reform.

Not only do these developments reflect strong political forces in the North Korean leadership that support reform, but they could also have profound implications for the future of Pyongyangs national security policy. North Korea may decide that it will need a more favourable external security environment in order to secure greater access to international economic and financial assistance for its reform measures and, ultimately, downsizing its military. Pyongyang could launch a new policy of engagement that would include greater flexibility in the Beijing Six Party Talks. A second scenario is continued internal struggle over reform that could lead to an inability to act decisively on key security and foreign policy issues, including at the nuclear talks. Finally, progress in reform may, paradoxically, strengthen conservatives, leading to hopes in Pyongyang that it can improve the economy, while simultaneously maintaining a large powerful military. Whether Washington can do anything at this point to influence directly the emerging debate in Pyongyang is unclear, but a renewed policy of engagement on its part could enhance the chances of success for North Korean advocates of reform.

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NORTH KOREAN REFORM Politics economics and security ROBERT L CARLIN AND JOEL - photo 1
NORTH KOREAN REFORM
Politics, economics and security
ROBERT L. CARLIN AND JOEL S. WIT
The International Institute for Strategic Studies Arundel House 13-15 Arundel - photo 2
The International Institute for Strategic Studies
Arundel House | 13-15 Arundel Street | Temple Place | London | WC2R 3DX | UK
First published July 2006 by Routledge 4 Park Square Milton Park Abingdon - photo 3
First published July 2006 by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
for The International Institute for Strategic Studies
Arundel House, 13-15 Arundel Street, Temple Place, London, WC2R 3DX, UK
www.iiss.org
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge
270 Madison Ave., New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa business
2006 The International Institute for Strategic Studies
DIRECTOR-GENERAL AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE John Chipman
EDITOR Tim Huxley
MANAGER FOR EDITORIAL SERVICES Ayse Abdullah
ASSISTANT EDITOR Jessica Delaney
PRODUCTION Jesse Simon
COVER IMAGE Getty Images
PRINTED AND BOUND IN GREAT BRITAIN BY Bell & Bain Ltd, Thomliebank, Glasgow
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data
ISBN 0-415-40725-7
ISSN 0567-932X
Contents
CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR ECONOMIC AND NUCLEAR DEVELOPMENTS
Jan. 2001Kim Jong II visits China
Jul. 2002
Reform package launched with economic management improvement measures
Sept. 2002
Beginning of expansion of special economic zones in Shineuiju,
Gaeseorig and Mt Geumgang
Oct. 2002
US Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly visits Pyongyang
Nov. 2002
Korea Peninsula Energy Development Organisation decision to
halt heavy fuel-oil deliveries
Dec. 2002
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK) breaks seals at
Yongbyon; IAEA inspectors withdraw
Jan. 2003
DPRK withdraws from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
Feb.2003
DPRK restarts five-megawatt reactor at Yongbyon
Mar. 2003
Reform in commercial establishment of general markets and
authorisation of private commercial activities. Ultimate goal of
enterprises adjusted to increase in net profit
Apr. 2003
DPRK announcement on reprocessing
Jan. 2004
Reforms in agricultural and enterprise sectors including introduction of family-unit farming system with autonomous
farming
Apr. 2004
Kim Jong II visits China. DPRK prime minister inspects pilot vil
lage for agricultural reforms
Feb.2005
DPRK announcement on possession of nuclear weapons
May 2005
DPRK announcement on unloading five-megawatt reactor
Nov. 2005
Joint ventures allowed more domestic access and to hold profits
in foreign exchange
Jan. 2006
Kim Jong II visits China
INTRODUCTION
In recent years, analysis concerning the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK), or North Korea, has focused primarily on whether it has nuclear weapons or whether it has embarked on a programme of real economic reform. There is a vague sense that the two issues may be linked in some way, a linkage usually assumed to take the form of nuclear chips the North Koreans may choose to play at the negotiating table, trading them for economic benefits. For the purposes of understanding the diplomatic process, this notion of trade-offs might be a useful starting point. For understanding the larger dynamics underway in the North Korean leadership over the past several years, it is a dead end.
There are indeed links between the Norths security and economic policies, but these are being reconsidered in Pyongyang as part of a larger debate in the leadership that has already transformed the country in fundamental ways. For decades, the most powerful voices in Pyongyang argued that North Korea had to resolve a number of external problems before changing its basic domestic economic policies. Security concerns always trumped economic ideas. This approach changed in late 2001. At present, no one outside the leadership circles in Pyongyang knows why, although a good guess is that Kim Jong IIsimply ran out of patience. The North Korean leader had long been awaiting a decisive improvement in relations with the United States before launching economic reform measures. He probably thought he had achieved this goal by late 2000, after an exchange of high-level visits by US and DPRK officials. But then relations stalled and began moving backwards with the new administration, and by autumn 2001 he decided he would wait no more. He did not take this decision lightly. Kim Jong II had suggested to foreigners on several occasions that he was concerned with how difficult it was to introduce new ideas into the North Korean system. He turned out to be right.
In many respects, what is playing out today in the North Korean leadership is no different from the long-term friction that occurs when any governments domestic and foreign policies rub against each other. To a certain extent, this has been going on in Pyongyang since the DPRKs founding in 1948, though usually at a level and in a way difficult for outsiders to discern. And although this correlation between internal and external policies may be well understood by the players in Pyongyang, it has been baffling to outsiders. Generally, the best that observers could do was to sense a vague consistency between these two aspects of policy.
Real or imagined, this consistency appeared to correlate with a number of well-worn assumptions about how nations respond under stress. These generally run as follows: when a country feels threatened, it tightens up domestically; political considerations override economic decisions; experimentation gives way to regimentation; and ideological discipline or put another way, orthodoxy takes the front seat. By the same token, the recipe for economic reform seems to require substantial external stability. Taking economic steps that risk loosening central political control is rarely seen as an option for regimes under external threat. Thus, a government will seek to put its external security in order before turning to domestic problems. Equally, debates on domestic issues often spill over into the foreign policy arena. Jockeying elements in the leadership seek to strengthen their positions by demonstrating their nationalist credentials, which sometimes translates into unusually tough stands on international issues.
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