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Vanessa Walker - Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U.S. Human Rights Diplomacy

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Vanessa Walker Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U.S. Human Rights Diplomacy
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Vanessa Walkers Principles in Power explores the relationship between policy makers and nongovernment advocates in Latin America and the United States government in order to explain the rise of anti-interventionist human rights policies uniquely critical of U.S. power during the Cold War. Walker shows that the new human rights policies of the 1970s were based on a complex dynamic of domestic and foreign considerations that was rife with tensions between the seats of power in the United States and Latin America, and the growing activist movement that sought to reform them. By addressing the development of U.S. diplomacy and politics alongside that of activist networks, especially in Chile and Argentina, Walker shows that Latin America was central to the policy assumptions that shaped the Carter administrations foreign policy agenda. The coup that ousted the socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, sparked new human rights advocacy as a direct result of U.S. policies that supported authoritarian regimes in the name of Cold War security interests. From 1973 onward, the attention of Washington and capitals around the globe turned to Latin America as the testing ground for the viability of a new paradigm for U.S. power. This approach, oriented around human rights, required collaboration among activists and state officials in places as diverse as Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Washington, DC. Principles in Power tells the complicated story of the potentials and limits of partnership between government and nongovernment actors. Analyzing how different groups deployed human rights language to reform domestic and international power, Walker explores the multiple and often conflicting purposes of U.S. human rights policy.

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Principles in Power
Latin America and the Politics of U.S. Human Rights Diplomacy
Vanessa Walker
Cornell University Press
Ithaca and London
For Adi
If human rights is to be a central factor in the policy debate, the significance of non-governmental bodies is absolutely essential. I think the important thing to say about states and about human rights is that the action of states should neither be underestimated or overestimated. They should not be underestimated; you cannot ignore them in the struggle for human rights, what they do will count for good or ill. But the significance of states should not be overestimated. Our faith in the State is always tenuous, and rightly so. Our faith in the modern bureaucratic state should be fragilely placed. They need to be contained, restrained, pressured, shaped and directed from the outside. What we try to do when we attempt to impose human rights criteria on other forms of powerpolitical, economic, militaryin the foreign policy equation, is we seek to use the very fragile instrument of moral suasion, the fabric of moral sinew, to control and contain the power of the modern state.
Father J. Bryan Hehir, Seventh Annual Letelier-Moffitt Memorial Human Rights Award Ceremony, September 20, 1983
Contents
List of Abbreviations
ADAAmericans for Democratic Action
AFDDAgrupacin de Familiares de Detenidos Deseparicidos (Association of Relatives of the Detained Disappeared)
AIAmnesty International
AsambleaAsamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos (Permanent Assembly for Human Rights)
CALACommunity Action on Latin America
CASPCountry Analysis Strategy Plan
CCCCommodity Credit Corporation
CELSCentro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (The Center for Social and Legal Studies)
CIACentral Intelligence Agency
CLCClergy and Laity Concerned
CNFMPCoalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy
CNICentro Nacional de Informacin (National Information Center)
CONADEPComisin Nacional sobre la Desaparicin de Personas (National Commission on Disappeared People, Argentina)
CONARComit Nacional de Ayuda a los Refugiados (National Committee to Aid Refugees, Chile)
Comit Pro-PazComit de Cooperacin para la Paz (Committee of Cooperation for Peace, Chile)
DINADireccin de Inteligencia Nacional (Directorate of National Intelligence, Chile)
DODDepartment of Defense
ERPEjrcito Revolucionario del Pueblo (Revolutionary Army of the People, Argentina)
EXIMExport-Import (Bank)
FASICFundacin de Ayuda Social de las Iglesias Cristianas (Foundation for Social Assistance of the Christian Churches)
FMSForeign Military Sales
FRUSForeign Relations of the United States
GOAgovernment of Argentina
GOCgovernment of Chile
HAU.S. State Department Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs
HRWGHuman Rights Working Group of the CFNMP
IACHRInter-American Commission on Human Rights of the OAS
ICJInternational Commission of Jurists
IFIinternational financial institution
IMETInternational Military Education and Training
IPSInstitute for Policy Studies
JCLJimmy Carter Presidential Library
La LigaLa Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre (The Argentine League for the Rights of Man)
Las MadresLas Madres de Plaza de Mayo (The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, Argentina)
MDBmultilateral development bank
MEDHMoviemiento Ecumnico por los Derechos Humanos (Ecumenical Movement for Human Rights, Argentina)
MIRMovimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Movement of the Left, Chile)
NCCSCNational Coordinating Center in Solidarity with Chile
NICHNon-Intervention in Chile
NGOnongovernmental organization
NSCNational Security Council
OASOrganization of American States
OPICOverseas Private Investment Corporation
PRMPresidential Review Memorandum
SERPAJServicio Paz y Justicia
UNUnited Nations
USGU.S. government
VicaraVicara de Solidaridad (Vicariate of Solidarity)
WHCFWhite House Central Files
WHSWisconsin Historical Society
WOLAWashington Office on Latin America
Introduction
The Politics of Complicity
September 7, 1977, should have been a high point for the Carter administrations new approach to U.S.-Latin American relations. The leaders of the hemisphere were gathered in Washington to celebrate the signing of the Panama Canal Treaties, a signature accomplishment of Carters foreign policy agenda. The gathering not only marked a new phase of bilateral relations with Panama but also symbolized Carters increasingly multilateral, less interventionist approach to the region. Further, in a private meeting earlier that day, Carter had persuaded General Augusto Pinochet of Chile to allow UN inspectors into his country to survey human rights conditions for the first time. This was a substantial breakthrough and the first major human rights concession Carter had been able to elicit from Pinochet, one of the most contentious figures in the human rights politics of the 1970s. The Carter administration had spent the past nine months fastidiously cooling relations with South American dictators, signaling its intention that human rights abuses would have real, material consequences for relations with the United States. Carter and his team had prepared rigorously for the bilateral meetings accompanying the signing ceremony, drafting in-depth plans for each leader, including a focus on concrete measures to address specific human rights violations. In the private bilateral meetings, Carter genially but
Carter seemed understandably surprised, therefore, at the evening gala when a Washington Post reporter informed him that more than seven hundred protestors had gathered outside the White House. Oh really? he responded. Against me? These protestors were not the conservative opponents to the Canal Treaties, who had gathered in smaller numbers on the steps of the Capitol Building that morning. Instead, many carried placards that said Down with Pinochet and chanted in protest against the Chilean leader, as well as several other of the foreign heads of state.
Although Carter expressed surprise, these denunciations could not have been totally unexpected for him. Human rights groups and members of Congress had voiced their concerns in the weeks leading up to the ceremonies. While some criticized the administrations inclusion of the regions dictators in the signing ceremony and celebratory events, most focused on Carters private bilateral meetings, especially with the military leaders of Argentina and Chile. Letters from prominent members of Congress, including Donald Fraser (D-MN) and James Abourezk (D-SD), expressed dismay at the legitimacy that these private, bilateral meetings would convey on these repressive regimes.
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