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Bruce Ackerman - We the People, Volume 2: Transformations

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Constitutional change, seemingly so orderly, formal, and refined, has in fact been a revolutionary process from the first, as Bruce Ackerman makes clear in We the People: Transformations. The Founding Fathers, hardly the genteel conservatives of myth, set America on a remarkable course of revolutionary disruption and constitutional creativity that endures to this day. After the bloody sacrifices of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party revolutionized the traditional system of constitutional amendment as they put principles of liberty and equality into higher law. Another wrenching transformation occurred during the Great Depression, when Franklin Roosevelt and his New Dealers vindicated a new vision of activist government against an assault by the Supreme Court.
These are the crucial episodes in American constitutional history that Ackerman takes up in this second volume of a trilogy hailed as one of the most important contributions to American constitutional thought in the last half-century (Cass Sunstein, New Republic). In each case he shows how the American people--whether led by the Founding Federalists or the Lincoln Republicans or the Roosevelt Democrats--have confronted the Constitution in its moments of great crisis with dramatic acts of upheaval, always in the name of popular sovereignty. A thoroughly new way of understanding constitutional development, We the People: Transformations reveals how Americas dualist democracy provides for these populist upheavals that amend the Constitution, often without formalities.
The book also sets contemporary events, such as the Reagan Revolution and Roe v. Wade, in deeper constitutional perspective. In this context Ackerman exposes basic constitutional problems inherited from the New Deal Revolution and exacerbated by the Reagan Revolution, then considers the fundamental reforms that might resolve them. A bold challenge to formalist and fundamentalist views, this volume demonstrates that ongoing struggle over Americas national identity, rather than consensus, marks its constitutional history.

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WE THE PEOPLE TRANSFORMATIONS ALSO BY BRUCE ACKERMAN The Uncertain Search - photo 1
WE THE PEOPLE
TRANSFORMATIONS ALSO BY BRUCE ACKERMAN The Uncertain Search for Environmental - photo 2
TRANSFORMATIONS
ALSO BY BRUCE ACKERMAN
The Uncertain Search for Environmental Quality (1974) with Susan Rose-Ackerman, James Sawyer, and Dale Henderson
Private Property and the Constitution (1977)
Social Justice in the Liberal State (1980)
Clean Coal/Dirty Air (1981)
with William T. Hassler
Reconstructing American Law (1984)
We the People: Foundations (1991)
The Future of Liberal Revolution (1992)
Is NAFTA Constitutional? (1995)
with David Golove
WE THE PEOPLE
2
TRANSFORMATIONS Bruce Ackerman THE BELKNAP PRESS OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS - photo 3
TRANSFORMATIONS
Bruce Ackerman
Picture 4
THE BELKNAP PRESS OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS LONDON, ENGLAND
Copyright 1998 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress cataloging information is on page 516.
For Susan
Contents
I generally write books in the way they are readbeginning with the beginning, and slogging on to the end. But this one is an exception. After struggling with the first chapter of We the People for months with little to show other than increasing gloom, I took my wifes advice and began in the middle. I threw myself into the history of Reconstruction, and then the New Deal. Four years later, I emerged with a long manuscript that explored many forgotten questions but had lost sight of the big picture. With something resembling despair, I put my draft away and tried to write in my accustomed mannerfrom the beginning.
The result was Foundations, the first volume in this series. The years spent with the sources had not been wasted. I could now describe the forest as well as the trees, and develop my main themes without too many distractions.
But the day of reckoning could not be indefinitely postponed: Foundations made many controversial historical claims, and I was obliged to substantiate them if I hoped to be taken seriously. I returned to my historical manuscripts with trepidation. Rereading them, I was impressed with the number of relevant investigations that I had not even attempted. Was I cut out for this job?
The last five years have been intellectually demanding, and I am very conscious of the crucial role played by my conversation-partners. Neal Katyal and David Golove were wonderfully resourceful collaborators. The full extent of their contribution is revealed in two publications: Ackerman and Katyal, Our Unconventional Founding, 62 University of Chicago Law Review 475 (1995), and Ackerman and Golove, Is NAFTA Constitutional? (1995). Other students made outstanding contributions as research assistants, including Michael Aprahamian, Lynda Dodd, Rachel Harmon, Stephen Keogh, Mahmood Mabood, Cynthia Powell, Jon Shepard, Greg Silverman, Michael Splete, and Jan Trafimow. As always, Gene Coakley provided priceless assistance in unlocking the resources of the Yale libraries. Over the years, my friends among historians provided guidance. Bob Cover and Bill Nelson gave much-needed assistance in the early years. Richard Friedman reviewed an early draft of chapters on the New Deal; as did Michael Les Benedict and Eric Foner on Reconstruction; and Jack Rakove and Henry Monaghan on the Founding. I find it impossible to enumerate my debt to all the other friends who have suffered through a project that has bulked so large for fifteen years. They know how much they have helped.
Turning to institutions, the law schools at Columbia and Yale gave me a tremendous amount of freedom to teach courses that allowed for in-depth exploration of the themes explored here. Deans Benno Schmidt and Barbara Black at Columbia, and Guido Calabresi and Tony Kronman at Yale, were unstinting in their support. In addition to research leaves provided by my universities, I gained extra assistance from two research institutes: the Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin and the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. My year in Berlin was almost too seductive, encouraging me to write a book, The Future of Liberal Revolution, that delayed publication of the present volume. Nonetheless, I spent a lot of time in Germany rethinking Transformations, and this helped in the long run. My academic year at the Wilson Center in 199596 gave me the chance to reduce my sprawling historical manuscripts into readable size and shape. Last but not least, my secretaries Joan Pacquette-Sass and Jill Tobey helped with countless tasks that otherwise would have made sustained writing impossible.
As these paragraphs suggest, I am a lucky man. I hope this book partially repays my enormous debt to the institutions, and the country, that made it possible.
I have included revised versions of some materials published previously Parts - photo 5
I have included revised versions of some materials published previously. Parts of
THE PROPHETIC VOICE M Y FELLOW - photo 6
THE PROPHETIC VOICE M Y FELLOW AMERICANS we are in a bad way We are - photo 7
THE PROPHETIC VOICE M Y FELLOW AMERICANS we are in a bad way We are - photo 8
THE PROPHETIC VOICE
M Y FELLOW AMERICANS, we are in a bad way. We are drifting. Our leaders are compromising, compromised. They have lost sight of governments basic purposes.
It is past time for us to take the future into our hands. Each of us has gained so much from life in America. Can we remain idle while this great nation drifts downward?
No: We must join together in a movement for national renewal, even if this means self-sacrifice. We will not stop until the government has heard our voice.
The People must retake control of their government. We must act decisively to bring the law in line with the promise of American life.
Picture 9
Since the first Englishmen colonized America, this voice has never been silent. We have never lived for long without hearing its diagnoses of decline, its calls for renewal. For good and for ill, there can be no thought of silenceno way to proclaim that our generation has reached the promised land. Americans have become too diverse, too free, to suppose that their struggle over national identity will end before the death of the Republic. If the future is like the past, the substance of our collective commitments will change, and for the better?
Yet the voice will remaincalling upon Americans to rethink and revitalize their fundamental commitments, to recapture government in the name of the People. It is this voice that will concern us here, as well as the distinctive attitude Americans have cultivated in its exercise. While we have long since learned to live with prophets in our midst, we have not learned to love them.
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