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Molly C. Michelmore - Tax and Spend: The Welfare State, Tax Politics, and the Limits of American Liberalism

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Taxes dominate contemporary American politics. Yet while many rail against big government, few Americans are prepared to give up the benefits they receive from the state. In Tax and Spend, historian Molly C. Michelmore examines an unexpected source of this contradiction and shows why many Americans have come to hate government but continue to demand the security it provides.
Tracing the development of taxing and spending policy over the course of the twentieth century, Michelmore uncovers the origins of todays antitax and antigovernment politics in choices made by liberal state builders in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. By focusing on two key instruments of twentieth-century economic and social policy, Aid to Families with Dependent Children and the federal income tax, Tax and Spend explains the antitax logic that has guided liberal policy makers since the earliest days of Franklin Roosevelts presidency. Grounded in careful archival research, this book reveals that the liberal social compact forged during the New Deal, World War II, and the postwar years included not only generous social benefits for the middle classincluding Social Security, Medicare, and a host of expensive but hidden state subsidiesbut also a commitment to preserve low taxes for the majority of American taxpayers.
In a surprising twist on conventional political history, Michelmores analysis links postwar liberalism directly to the rise of the Republican right in the last decades of the twentieth century. Liberals decision to reconcile public demand for low taxes and generous social benefits by relying on hidden sources of revenues and invisible kinds of public subsidy, combined with their persistent defense of taxpayer rights and suspicion of tax eaters on the welfare rolls, not only fueled but helped create the contours of antistate politics at the core of the Reagan Revolution.

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Politics and Culture in Modern America Series Editors Margot Canaday Glenda - photo 1
Politics and Culture in Modern America
Series Editors: Margot Canaday, Glenda Gilmore, Michael Kazin, and Thomas J. Sugrue
Volumes in the series narrate and analyze political and social change in the broadest dimensions from 1865 to the present, including ideas about the ways people have sought and wielded power in the public sphere and the language and institutions of politics at all levelslocal, national, and transnational. The series is motivated by a desire to reverse the fragmentation of modern U.S. history and to encourage synthetic perspectives on social movements and the state, on gender, race, and labor, and on intellectual history and popular culture.
TAX AND SPEND
THE WELFARE STATE, TAX POLITICS, AND
THE LIMITS OF AMERICAN LIBERALISM
MOLLY MICHELMORE
PENN
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS
PHILADELPHIA
Copyright 2012 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes
of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may
be reproduced in any form by any means without written
permission from the publisher.
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112
www.upenn.edu/pennpress
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
ISBN 978-0-8122-4388-8
For Mammus and Pappas
INTRODUCTION
TAX MATTERS
T axes matter. They matter to every American worker whose paycheck is cut in half by state, local, and federal taxes. They matter to the millions of Americans who file income tax returns each year. They matter to the state, local, and national governments that depend on tax revenue to provide necessary public services. Taxes matter to economists and policymakers who seek to manage the national economy, to control inflation, and to combat unemployment. They matter to the millions of older Americans who rely on Social Security and Medicare, and to the workers whose payroll taxes fund those entitlement programs. Taxes matter to political office seekersliberal Democrats and conservative Republicans alikewho must balance promises to protect the rights and interests of ordinary taxpayers with other policy priorities. Indeed, taxes and tax talk now dominate domestic policymaking. In 1960, the Democratic Party platform devoted 9 sentences to taxes, and the GOP platform only two. By 2008, the Democrats dedicated 33 sentences and the GOP almost 80 to tax policy. Today's politicians are as likely to speak to Americans as taxpayers as they are to address them as citizens or voters.
America's obsession with taxes paralleled the growth of the modern welfare state. Broadly defined to include the myriad ways the federal government protects citizens from what President Franklin D. Roosevelt once described as the hazards and vicissitudes of life, the welfare state has grown by leaps and bounds over the last eighty years. much less openly acknowledged, the American middle class is, in fact, the product of almost a century of targeted social and economic policies. Yet, most Americans are far more likely to see themselves as the overburdened victims of the tax code than as the beneficiaries of government programs that have helped to secure economic security and mobility for the vast middle-class majority.
Americans hostility toward taxes in general, and toward the federal income tax in particular, has marked and fueled the political right turn of the last four decades, as conservative leaders have successfully translated popular frustration over taxes into a broader rejection of the activist state.
Yet, the GOP has singularly failed in its efforts to roll back the welfare state. The largest and most expensive parts of the American social safety netMedicare and Social Securitysurvived Reagan-era budget cuts. Only two major welfare programspublic service jobs and general revenue sharingdisappeared entirely.
This is the basic paradox of contemporary American politics. Americans Focusing on two key instruments of economic and social policythe federal income tax and Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC)this study provides a new interpretation not only of postwar liberalismits well-known failures, contradictions, and limitations, as well as its often forgotten successesbut also of the conservative reaction that has both replaced and depended on it.
AFDCmost commonly referred to simply as welfarehas played a critical role in Americans understanding of the state. Created as part of the landmark Social Security Act of 1935, Aid to Dependent Children, AFDC's original name, allowed the federal government to supplement state-run programs providing a bare subsistence income to poor women raising children alone. in particular have benefited politically from Americans truncated definition of welfare. As the economy faltered in the 1970s, the GOP successfully exploited public hostility toward AFDC and AFDC recipients to capture the votes of middle-class homeowners and taxpayers who saw themselves as the casualties of the tax and spend liberal state.
That the American right has capitalized on popular antipathy toward taxes and welfare to rebrand itself as the populist defender of taxpayers rights, of course, is not news. What is more surprising, perhaps, is that in doing so the Republican Party has borrowed a page out of the Democratic Party's playbook. Throughout the postwar period, liberal state builders repeatedly defended low tax rates on ordinary Americans as an essential element of the economic security promised by the liberal state. Liberal antitax logic, apparent even at the birth of the welfare state in the 1930s, at first reflected state builders assessment of the challenges posed by popular resistance to new taxes, but soon became an essential element of the liberal social compact itself. Even during the supposed Big Bang periods of postwar state building in the 1930s and 1960s, liberal presidents with unprecedented Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress refused to tie new social benefits directly to tax increases on the majority of Americans. President Roosevelt rejected any effort to expand the federal income tax base to pay for the New Deal; Lyndon Johnson likewise simultaneously launched the Great Society and championed a sweeping income tax cut. From Roosevelt's pledge to quit this business of relief, to President Bill Clinton's promise to bring the era of Big Government to an end by ending welfare as we know it, liberal policymakers have combined a marked ambivalence toward welfare with a spirited defense of individual taxpayers rights. it built on and fully realized the antitax logic first articulated by liberal state builders in the New Deal and World War II eras.
Building the Tax and Welfare State
The Great Depression marked a watershed in American state building. As social worker Josephine Brown noted, between 1929 and 1939 more was done in the area of public welfare than in the [previous] three hundred years.
The Social Security Act of 1935, the cornerstone of the American welfare state, aimed to realize this commitment to the economic security of the men, women, and children of the nation.
The shape of the New Deal welfare stateand in particular its reliance on regressive, but hidden, payroll taxes to fund its most significant policy innovationsreflected the importance of tax politics to liberal policymaking. New Dealers recognized the need to manage popular opposition to new
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