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Arthur Brittan - Meanings and Situations

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Meanings and Situations is an account of the interactionist position. It is a committed account in the sense that it sees the central concerns of social psychology and sociology as being located in an interpretative and humanistic framework. At the same time, it argues for a bio-social image of man which does not do violence to the way in which men in interaction continuously construct and renegotiate meaning. This is in contrast to some of the highly fashionable exchange and game models of interaction which dominate the thinking of proponents of respectable behavioural science. Hence, so the author urges, the current upsurge of interest in social phenomenology, ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism is more than a reaction to the reigning paradigm in behavioural science. Arthur Brittan believes this new interest is essentially a return to the humanistic sources of these disciplines which have been in constant danger of being overwhelmed by the behavioural ideology.

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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS SOCIAL THEORY Volume 45 MEANINGS AND SITUATIONS - photo 1
ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: SOCIAL THEORY

Volume 45
MEANINGS AND SITUATIONS

MEANINGS AND SITUATIONS
ARTHUR BRITTAN
First published in 1973 This edition first published in 2015 by Routledge 2 - photo 2
First published in 1973
This edition first published in 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
1973 Arthur Brittan
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-0-415-72731-0 (Set)
eISBN: 978-1-315-76997-4 (Set)
ISBN: 978-1-138-78622-6 (Volume 45)
Publishers Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
Meanings and situations
Arthur Brittan
First published 1973 by Routledge Kegan Paul Ltd Broadway House 68-74 Carter - photo 3
First published 1973
by Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd
Broadway House, 68-74 Carter Lane,
London EC4V 5EL and
9 Park Street,
Boston, Mass. 02108, USA
Printed in Great Britain by
Clarke, Doble & Brendon Ltd
Plymouth
Arthur Brittan 1973
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except for the quotation of brief passages in criticism
ISBN 0 7100 7509 X (c)
ISBN 0 7100 7551 0 (p)
Library of Congress Catalogue Card No. 72-90009
Contents
For my Mother
There is a great deal of presumption involved in attempting to write a book on aspects of sociological thought. In a sense, every sociologist is a theorist of sorts. Even the most committed empiricist employs an anti-theory which in itself, on inspection, turns out to be a theoretical statement.
The conscious attempt, therefore, to deliberately write about theory is not to be seen as an exercise in word magic. If every sociologist is his own theorist, then the justification for theory must surely lie in the fact that theorizing is a crucial sociological activity. It is an activity which is not divorced from the everyday activities of bread-and-butter sociologists. In this sense, therefore, theory is a process which is not to be confused with the endless elaboration of conceptual models. It is part and parcel of being sociologically alive.
Of course, it might be asserted that ones presumption lies in attempting to tread in the hallowed footsteps of the nineteenth-century giants, or slavishly emulating the contemporary gurus of the sociological establishment. Indeed, it must be admitted that all too often sociological thought seems to boil down to a debate with Marxs ghost or an attack on Parsons. This leads to the absurd situation in which sociological theory is conducted in terms of a confrontation between the conflict and consensus models of society.
In this confrontation there seems to be no room for alternative perspectives. Possible alternatives are relegated to the sphere of ideology, or are regarded as being sociologically irrelevant. An interest in social phenomenology, ethnomethodology or even structuralism is seen as merely being the preoccupation of a species of intellectual mavericks. There is, undoubtedly, an element of truth in the notion that sociologists are frequently seduced by intellectual fashions derived from the philosophical avant-garde, without paying due regard to the context in which these ideas are relevant, yet the same can be said for other members of the self-styled intellectual lite.
In addition, the fantastic claims that are made every few years for a new liberating concept of perspective, leads one to the conclusion that sociologists are involved in their own millenarian movement. Such claims have been made for role theory, action theory, cybernetics, systems theory, information theory, games theory, etc., etc. It is essential to realize that this proliferation of concepts, models and theories never represents points of arrival they merely indicate the essential open-ended and processual nature of the sociological enterprise. There is no theoretical certainty in sociology. The polarization of sociology into two armed and antagonistic theoretical camps obviously completely distorts social reality it also ignores the possibility that millenarianism often has a transforming quality.
Conceptual purity
The way in which some practitioners approach their subject-matter may force the cynic into thinking that sociologists spend a great proportion of their creative lives in coining neologisms in order to legitimate their continuous employment as sociologists. This is not an attack on sociological millenarianism as such. Criticisms of this sort usually derive either from humanists who are shocked by the sociologists rape of language, or from natural scientists who believe that science is something that goes on in laboratories. It is not surprising, therefore, that sociologists over-react by an almost obsessive sensitivity to the need for conceptual clarity on one hand, and an irrational ritualistic emulation of appropriate methodological procedures of the natural sciences on the other hand. This leads, inevitably, to a concern with conceptual purity, and eventually to the hope that sociology will eventually aspire to the condition of economics, just as all art is supposed to aspire to the condition of music.
In Britain, this aspiration is illustrated by the way in which sociologists seem unwilling to formulate conceptual schemes without some sort of deference to linguistic philosophy. There is always a metaphorical linguistic philosopher looking over the theorists shoulder before he summons up enough enthusiasm to commit himself to any level of abstraction. The key word is clarity, at least, this is the internalized injunction and ideal. But this lucidity is never achieved, except perhaps in the work of such diverse theorists as Homans and Merton. Also, the traditional British involvement in grass-root empiricism usually means that theory is regarded with an excessive degree of suspicion, particularly when this theory has its origins in dubious continental philosophies or turgid American dogma.
What Glaser and Strauss call the rhetoric of verification is, I think, still the unofficial orthodoxy of the British sociological establishment, in spite of the inroads that other viewpoints have made among younger sociologists. It is still true to say that British sociology has not produced a substantive theoretical perspective of its own. It borrows ideas and concepts from everybody else but for various reasons, particularly those relating to the peculiar status that sociology enjoys
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