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Simon Barker - The Routledge Anthology of Renaissance Drama

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Simon Barker The Routledge Anthology of Renaissance Drama
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Between the 1560s and the 1630s, London witnessed the rise (and sometimes demise) of some fifteen theatres. As well as these purpose-built theatres, a number of pre-existing halls and inns were converted for the public staging of plays and these existed alongside other places of recreation such as bull- and bear-baiting arenas, cock-fighting pits and inns in whose courtyards plays were occasionally performed. That London could sustain this number of places of public entertainment might, at first, seem unremarkable: we are used, after all, to thinking of London as a city of some seven million people with many hundreds of such places. The figures begin to take on a different meaning, however, when we recall that in 1600 the population of London was around 200,000 which, by our standards, is very small. Nonetheless, public or amphitheatre theatres such as the Globe held around 3,000 people and, by 1609, were staging plays every day of the week. These figures illustrate the popularity of the theatre at this time and indicate something of the alacrity with which theatrical entrepreneurs set about meeting the increasing demand for stage plays.

By around 1604, there was a playhouse of some kind within two miles of nearly every Londoner, and playgoing enjoyed such popularity that traffic jams often blocked the streets around the theatres. Indeed, a petition of 1619 complained about the problems this caused: There is daylie such resort of people, and such multitudes of Coaches (whereof many are Hackney Coaches, bringinge people of all sortes) that sometymes all our streetes cannott containe them And the inhabitantes there cannott come to their howses, nor bringe in their necessary provisions of beere, wood, coale or haye, nor the Tradesmen or shopkeepers utter their wares, nor the passenger goe to the common water staires without danger of their lives and lymmes. (Bentley 1941-68, vol. 1: 4-5) The exasperation of the writer on behalf of those living and working in the vicinity of the theatres is clear: the crush of theatre-goers was impeding not only peoples access to their houses and to the river (one of the main city thoroughfares) but also interfering with peoples livelihoods by hindering trade in the neighbourhood. The account is important too, however, for the way it indicates that playgoing was widespread amongst people of all sortes, all ranks of society not only the apprentices who paid a penny to stand in the pit at the public theatres or the law students from the Inns of Court, but also those Londoners wealthy enough to own their own coaches. Such detailed accounts combine with the statistics about theatre-building to demonstrate the extraordinary popularity of playgoing at the end of the sixteenth century and in the early decades of the seventeenth century.

There was indeed a fashion of play-making, as Thomas Middleton put it in his preface to The Roaring Girl (1611). Although various forms of theatrical entertainment, usually involving religious celebration or instruction, had been important features of the cultural landscape in Europe and beyond for centuries, the rapid expansion of Londons purpose-built commercial theatres during the Renaissance was an entirely new phenomenon. The question of how we can account for this expansion continues to fascinate students of this period. We cannot hope fully to account for these changes in a short introduction, but we do wish to point to some of the issues which are debated, often fiercely, to do with the social, economic, political and cultural circumstances which combined to precipitate this expansion in theatrical production, and the ways in which these circumstances are manifested in the plays themselves. Perhaps the best way to begin to address these questions is to return to the location of these theatres: London itself. What changes had taken place in the capital city that enabled it to produce and sustain so many new theatres and new plays over a period of some fifty years?

City, country, commerce and class
By the end of the sixteenth century, London had become a city in rapid transition, experiencing transformations that were for the most part the outcome of unprecedented and accelerating economic change.

Although most people continued to live and work in agricultural communities, towns and cities were nonetheless expanding rapidly and becoming increasingly powerful. This expansion was the result of a number of factors: the development of early forms of manufacturing and trade, an increase in the overall population of the country (doubling from 2.5 million in the 1520s to around 5 million in 1600), and the continuing process of the enclosure of land into larger, privately owned, units of production. Philip Stubbes, writing in The Anatomie of Abuses (1583), explained that: They take in, and inclose commons, moores, heaths, and other common pastures, wher out the poore commonalitie were wont to have all their forage and feeding for their cattell, & (which is more) corne for them selves to lyve uppon For these inclosures be the causes, why rich men, eat up poore men, as beasts do eat grass. (Stubbes 1973: n.p.) Historians debate the extent and effect of this process during the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) but most note the considerable unrest such dispossession caused, especially in times of poor harvest and the accompanying migration to the towns. Early industrial activity, often benefiting from the skills of Protestant immigrants from The Netherlands and France, also drew people from the countryside to the towns in search of wages and the perceived benefits of urban life. The population of London itself was most affected and the city grew to be one of the largest in Europe.

The 200,000 people who lived in London in 1600 represented a doubling of the citys population since 1580, and it was to double again, to 400,000, by 1650. One effect of this increase was to create a large audience for the expanding network of theatres. Many of the people who attended these theatres had a memory of the traditions and cycles of activity in the countryside, as well as a new consciousness of the rigours and, indeed, the dangers of urban life. Many Londoners retained a connection with the countryside through the citys agricultural markets, but London was also rapidly becoming the focus for a new kind of commercial activity which had an increasingly international dimension. For more people than ever before, there emerged an awareness of the nation in relation to the rest of Europe, as well as to the expanding world itself, as news circulated of the settlements made in the territories of the new worlds beyond Europe. The period of history during which the plays in this volume were written was one of increasing exploration and the first tentative planting (of people) overseas.

Englands only real colony (and most successful plantation of Protestantism) was Ireland. However, whatever the practical successes and failures of these activities, the impulse towards the settlement of overseas territories can be glimpsed surprisingly early in the sixteenth century. Trade links to the east of Europe (and particularly with Turkey through the Levant Company) opened up possibilities of further links as far as India and China. Some of this business involved the establishment of small groups of traders abroad. The lands across the Atlantic to the west, however, gave rise to the possibility of an entirely different form of activity. The idea arose in the 1560s that a stabling place could be set up in North America through which local raw materials could be exchanged for English cloth.

Indeed, in 1582 Humphrey Gilbert declared English sovereignty over Newfoundland but the project failed, as did the idea of a New Albion in what is now California and early plantations in Virginia during 1584 and 1587. It was not until the 1620s that more successful settlements were established, yet this earlier expansion, together with associated tensions in international affairs, particularly with Spain, had made an enlarged concept of the world available for a great number of people. However, there were insecurities about the development of a non-agrarian structure of employment and in the new awareness of the world which it had helped to deliver, and these tensions are revealed in the dramatic writing of the period. Whilst many of these plays, such as A Woman Killed with Kindness (1603), are located in the claustrophobic settings of English (or foreign) country estates, an increasing number, such as The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607), Epicoene, or The Silent Woman (1609) and The Roaring Girl , established the importance of towns and cities as places recognisable as images of the structure and pattern of everyday life for the theatre audience. Even where town life was represented in European settings ( The Changeling (1622) is set in Spain, for example, and Tis Pity Shes a Whore (1633) in Italy), there would have been a keen sense of identification for London audiences intrigued by the potential for comparison between these imagined overseas locations and their own expanding city. Moreover, a strong element throughout the drama of the seventeenth century is the perceived clash between the ways of the country and the ways of the town.

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